First of 3 parts

THREE high-profile cases with international implications are the backdrop for this series on Philippine politics and jurisprudence. These are not run-of-the-mill types, as they involve powerful persons. However, they are not only cautionary tales but also reflections of the kind of justice system that defines the rule of law as applied to Philippine governance.

Fugitive ex-congressman

First is the case of Negros Oriental congressman Arnolfo Teves Jr., who was involved in a ghastly crime caught on CCTV and went viral on social and mass media, exacerbated by the insipid response of government authorities. Negros Oriental Gov. Roel Degamo was murdered in broad daylight on March 2023, along with some of his people, at his residential compound. The congressman, a political rival, was accused of being behind the assassination, although he was out of the country days before Degamo's murder.

A public hearing by the Senate Committee on Public Order and Dangerous Drugs ensued, incongruously labeling Teves a terrorist, though he has not even been charged with any crime.

The House Ethics Committee subsequently held seven closed-door hearings since the killing to tackle Teves' case but merely slapped a 60-day suspension order twice, a cavalier treatment by his colleagues, while Teves was already romping free abroad and gone AWOL, refusing to come home to face the music. Eventually, he was expelled from Congress and charged in court five months after the deed, by which time he had evaded justice and was practically allowed by the system to fly the coop.

Only a year after the murder was Teves finally arrested in Dili, Timor-Leste, while absurdly playing golf. His apprehension was a joint operation of the International Police's (Interpol) National Central Bureau (NCB) in Dili and the Timorese police. Teves was on Interpol's red notice alert, requiring member states to cooperate to collar a miscreant abroad. Teves couldn't be spirited out of Timor-Leste as he used all legal remedies to seek political asylum, which was denied. The Philippines has no extradition treaty with Timor-Leste, but both are signatories to the United Nations Convention on Transnational Organized Crime (Untoc), which could provide a framework for extradition. But a faster way was initiated by the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) by canceling his passport, rendering his stay in Timor-Leste illegal and subjecting him to immediate deportation.

Fugitive 'Appointed Son of God'

The second case involves Pastor Quiboloy, who now has three arrest warrants to his name: one issued by a grandstanding Senate committee for having snubbed the chamber's investigations on his alleged sexual abuses in his ministry; one issued by a Davao court for violation of Republic Act 7610, or the Special Protection of Children Against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act; and a third one by a Pasig trial court on qualified human trafficking charges. A non-bailable offense, this will bring him directly to a prison cell once apprehended.

On top of this, he is a wanted fugitive — with several other co-accused members of his church — by the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) for conspiracy to engage in sex trafficking by force, fraud, coercion, sex trafficking of children and cash smuggling.

But in all of this, Quiboloy, while in hiding, had the gall to demand from President Marcos, Justice Secretary Remulla, Philippine National Police (PNP) chief Gen. Rommel Francisco Marbil, and National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) Director Medardo de Lemos ironclad guarantees that he not be surrendered to the Americans. He has oftentimes alleged that US authorities have intentions to kidnap or kill him rather than extradite him for trial in an American court.

Quiboloy also claimed without an iota of proof that BBM had already agreed and therefore conspired with the Americans to hand him over to them once in custody, embellishing the tale further by saying that the CIA has arranged for his rendition — a process of illegal transfer, a scheme used to protect the façade of the cherished American justice system (Islamic terrorists were "renditioned" to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba for in-depth interrogation — a euphemism for waterboarding and torture).

As a repartee in a more dramatic fashion, he plays well as a deluded faux martyr; "Unless you give me the guarantee I'm looking for, go ahead and manhunt me. I will not be caught alive!" Quiboloy declared.

Of course, BBM will not oblige. And in a restrained adult response, chastising a child in a tantrum: "We will exercise all the compassion to Pastor Quiboloy; we've known him for a very long time. What I can promise is that all the proceedings will be fair."

Quiboloy's dread is similar to why South American drug lords like the Columbian Pablo Escobar fear extradition to the US. They can't buy or blow their way out of American jails. Escobar intimidated the Colombian government into agreeing to build, at his own expense, his palatial prison — exclusive to him and his cohorts in crime.

And witness the Philippines' overcrowded New Bilibid Prison, where the rich inmates live in luxurious apartment-like kubols protected by a patron or bosyo, top boss inmates with their own servants or "alalay." ("Understanding the Conditions of New Bilibid Prisons: Implications for Integrated Reforms, R.E. Narag, PhD, Southern Illinois University). The ASOG, with his resources, will thrive in such surroundings.

The US Embassy in Manila may not be so cryptic about its intentions either, stating: "For more than a decade, Apollo Quiboloy engaged in serious human rights abuses, including a pattern of systemic and pervasive rape of girls as young as 11 years old, and he is currently on the FBI's Most Wanted List. We are confident that Quiboloy will face justice for his heinous crimes." (Rappler.com, April 6, 2024)

The Deegong and the ICC

The third case involves former President Duterte Quiboloy's close friend, and now the "encargado" of his properties, who has pending cases in the International Court of Justice (ICC) on the killings of the so-called Davao Death Squad (DDS) while he was Davao City mayor, and the war-on-drugs killings during his term as president.

If the ICC issues an arrest warrant against Duterte — which the Deegong is sure is coming — the big question is how the Philippines can enforce such a warrant when the country is no longer a member of the ICC.

But the ICC has an agreement with Interpol (similar to ex-congressman Teves' case). The ICC can also request that the subjects of its warrant Interpol can now request that its 196 member countries cooperate and be put on the red notice alert. If that happens for Duterte, Interpol can now request its 196 member countries to cooperate and possibly arrest and detain Duterte on their behalf.

And there are precedents of notorious individuals, heads of state and political leaders accused of similar crimes, investigated by the ICC and some prosecuted: Omar al-Bashiir, president of Sudan; Laurent Gbagbo, the former president of Ivory Coast; Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, president and deputy president of Kenya; and Bosco Ntaganda, a former rebel leader in the Democratic Republic of Congo, among others.

How will all this impact the Philippine political landscape and, more importantly, our justice system and the rule of law?

(To be continued next week)

Second of 3 parts

In this malevolent triumvirate version of the Philippine Deep State, the oligarchy and the political dynasty (Olipolidyn) acquire certain permanency and continuity that supersede the third component, those who are constitutionally term-limited, like the president/patron, although the latter's temporal powers have deadly immediate and irreparable consequences when applied. Witness President Duterte causing the downfall of the Lopez family by disenfranchising its flagship ABS-CBN; marginalizing the Rufino-Prieto clan, owners of the Philippine Daily Inquirer (PDI) and who for years were accused of "swindling" the government of billions of pesos for the "illegal" use of the Mile Long complex, a 6.2-hectare Makati property; and Roberto Ongpin's PhilWeb that was forcibly sold for a song to Gregorio Araneta, an erstwhile Duterte supporter and a relative of the Marcoses by marriage.

The Olipolidyn, two different faces of the same coin, if not allied to a sitting strong presidency/patron, may encounter temporary setbacks. But the more dominant partner, the oligarchy, with its vast resources, will always attempt to exert influence over the political dynasties, the running of the Philippine economy, the lifeblood of the country, and, by extension, the levers of government.

Democracy and republicanism

The defective Philippine political structure is predisposed toward rectifying any imbalance ultimately in favor of the oligarchy, tending to concentrate political power on a few as we govern ourselves, a derivative of our cultural and political history forged over the centuries.

The American colonialists introduced republicanism and democracy, the idea of a State, checks and balances, political parties, a constitution, and the subsidiary idea of popular sovereignty, where authority is derived from the consent of the governed, among others. These concepts were overlaid on the Spanish/European 'divine right of kings,' which view was itself piggy-backed on the original Filipino sultanate/datu system of governance. (This will be discussed further in part 3 next week.)

Briefly, republicanism emphasizes a system of government where the head of state (the top patron) and the political leadership are chosen by the people based on their qualifications and merits and perforce is accountable to them. And democracy highlights the idea that government authority should be based on the will of the people and the rule of law rather than by divine right. Further refinements are that the citizenry indirectly participates in decision-making through democracy's most sacrosanct held belief — voting in elections, notwithstanding the necessary precondition that the voters must be educated and discriminating enough to choose from a menu of yet another inviolable doctrine — ideologically differentiated political parties.

These are ideas alien to the Spanish-indoctrinated Filipino natives where for 300 years, authority derived from the rightfulness and legitimacy of the sword and the cross, which in turn had already eroded and perverted the original Filipino patriarchal reliance on native sultans and datus.

These are the evolving anomalous realities over the centuries leading to our homegrown Filipino mongrelized oligarchy, the political dynasties (Olipolidyn), and the top patron underpinned by the iniquities of political patronage (Polpat). These are structured toward the accumulation and concentration of political power.

Political parties and their co-optation

As a class, the Philippine oligarchy, though not itself elected, vies for political power by fielding its own members, co-opt or capturing existing ones, or creating its own political parties. As intended by the dictates of democracy and republicanism, "Political parties are the primary vehicles to gain political power by engaging themselves in political contests, primarily elections. The members and their leadership are expected to adhere to a set of principles and strategies written in a platform unique to that party. This espousal of a vision of governance defines the ideological identity of that party - and therefore, the electorate must be permitted a patent choice - as to who must govern them based on what the candidates and their respective parties stand for." (www.cdpi.asia, CDP/CDM/CDPI manuals)

The oligarchy understands this only too well, and attempts at perverting the whole concept to conform to their interest have been pervasive and, thus far, successful. A case in point is three currently existing ones.

The Nacionalista Party (NP), the oldest Philippine political party founded in 1907, was captured and funded by the real estate magnate and former House speaker Manny Villar, one of the country's richest businessmen when he ran unsuccessfully for the 2010 presidency. The NP subsequently propelled his wife, Cynthia, to be the No. 1 senator in the 2013 elections, with the son, Mark, conveniently ensconced as secretary of the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) in 2016 under President Duterte. Mark is now a senator in a mother-son tandem, with the NP's four sitting senators comprising 16.675 percent of the 24-member senate. Daughter Camille is the current deputy speaker of the House of Representatives. The NP has 38 congressmen.

The Nationalist People's Coalition (NPC) was founded in 1992 by the late Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco Jr. when he ran for president and lost. He was one of the few politically savvy oligarchs who was the late dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos' protégée. The NPC is now under the tutelage of Danding's subaltern, who is now a self-made billionaire, Ramon Ang (RSA). The NPC can boast five senators, 20.83 percent)of the 24-member Senate, 38 members in the lower house, and then-presidential and assorted local government executives (LGUs).

The National Unity Party (NUP) is funded by another billionaire of Spanish heritage and large holdings abroad, Ricky Razon. The NUP was allied with former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (GMA) but later joined PNoy's coalition in 2013, while its other elected members allied with another, the United Alliance (UNA) of then-presidential candidate VP Jojo Binay. NUP counts 38 congressmen in the 316-member House.

The absence of ideologically differentiated political parties and the proliferation of hundreds of single-issue party lists are quirks of the 1987 Cory Constitution, allowing political butterflies or turncoatis ("balimbings") to flourish.

The Olipolidyn are not monolithic and often are pitted against each other, but their goal is the advancement of their private agenda — all under the guise of serving the common good — the pursuit and attainment of power and wealth, the mortar that cements some sort of permanency.

Olipolidyn on local political dynamics

Politicians, whether "wannabes" or incumbents, spend millions of pesos to gain the support of their constituents. As a result, a major consideration of the elected public servants is to recoup their expenditures through all sorts of "rent-seeking activities," leakages in public funds and outright corruption — to the detriment of society's development and public good.

And in our presidential system, where the president, the top patron, is elected at large, he is expected to provide the wherewithal for an expensive election campaign. This opens an aperture for the oligarchy and the moneyed elite to influence the outcome.

To understand better our homegrown oligarchy and political dynasty (Olipolidyn) and their relations with the presidency/patron, the Philippines' rough equivalent of America's Deep State and its role in our lives, we go back to its historical beginnings. Part 3 reprints excerpts from my columns and articles and literature of the Centrist Democratic groups over the years. A particularly relevant item is the "Political dynasty handmaiden to oligarchy" (The Manila Times, Aug. 5, 2020).

Last of 3 parts

THE first and second parts of this series depicted the incipient clash of the Marcos and Duterte dynasties as a mere backdrop to the geopolitical dynamics, a minor curtain raiser of playing the world stage. America finds itself in a state where its hegemony is threatened by old and new nemeses Russia and China but mainly exacerbated by its own internal dynamics and weaknesses (this will be taken up in future columns).

America's global credibility and prestige are in question as, in the recent past, it has been confronted with several global conflicts threatening its hegemony in Europe and Asia. It has escaped being bogged down deeper in the Middle East with its humiliating withdrawal from Afghanistan and Iraq, but the damage to its reputation as a global superpower and purveyor of the light of democracy suffered incalculable damage. The Afghanistan debacle and the swift takeover of the Taliban was a tragic mirror image of its defeat in Vietnam and the takeover of the Viet Cong during the Johnson-Nixon years.

The aftermath of its virtual withdrawal from Iraq after its precipitate intervention to eliminate weapons of mass destruction based on faulty intelligence while promoting democracy post-Saddam was a study of American hubris and incompetence. It resulted instead in sectarian violence and the birth of the terrorist IS, tarnishing America's image as a force of stability in the region.

Ukraine-Palestine

And just recently, the Republicans have threatened to defund the Ukraine war, potentially emboldening Russia to further escalate its military actions in the region. This could lead to increased instability in Eastern Europe and strain US relations with its European allies that support Ukraine.

And the US was recently blindsided by Israel's response to Hamas, unable to rein in an ally in the total destruction of Gaza and the decimation of its population. With the end of the conflict not on the horizon, more instability and violence could further damage US influence in the Middle East, impacting its already capricious relationships with allies in the region.

Trump presidency

In November of this year, the US may have President Trump back in power if he hurdles all those civil and criminal cases hanging over his head. And if MAGA does triumph, Ukraine will be the first casualty — a feather in Putin's cap. Trump's perceived coziness to the Russian dictator could result in driving the final nail in Zelenskyy's coffin.

A second term for Trump could lead to further alienation of the Palestinians and spell the death throes of any progress toward a two-state solution. It may be noted that Trump, in an in-your-face move against the Arabs and Palestinians, caused the transfer of the US Embassy to Jerusalem during his watch when even Israel was not expecting the same. And his belligerency may further precipitate violent reactions from Iran and Hezbollah and those Arab states which are just itching for a fight on the side of Hamas to expel the Israeli forces now decimating Gaza.

And PH participation?

"Suma total," these are the geopolitical dynamics that need to be imputed into the equation of the seemingly local and harmless Marcos-Duterte rivalry. BBM's actuations toward America are in far contrast to Duterte's anti-American and pro-Chinese/Russia proclivities. With BBM's kiss-ass "friends to all, enemies to none" foreign policy, he is proving himself to be a better bet to America for its hegemony. Duterte's kowtowing to Xi Jinping, his histrionics from the time he assumed the presidency, and his slanderous remarks against President Obama while America was putting in place its Pivot to Asia strategy were dangerous, amateurish, puerile and reflected ignorance of geopolitics and the course of history. As in most of his decisions that did not involve illegal drug eradication and extrajudicial killings, they were precipitated and made on the fly.

US bases — America returns

The expansion of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) upon the assumption of BBM to power not only reaffirms the mutual cooperation with America but, more importantly, assures America that this time, the US and the Philippines under the Marcoses are on the same page. The additional EDCA bases bolstering the US strategic maritime containment restricting sea access for Russia and China, isolating both in the East and South China Seas and away from the Western Pacific by the second island chain, has always been the cornerstone of America's defensive posture in Asia — and the major impetus to the US Pivot to Asia.

And the role of the Philippines to hold the line — bleeding for America, if we must — is now even made more critical with China constructing unsinkable "aircraft carriers" with their artificial islands at the Spratlys. The additional four EDCA sites in the Philippines — US virtual military bases — have tactically tightened the sea lanes in the Bashi Channel, the main route for China's forces to encircle Taiwan in case hostilities break out. ("TMT Bashi Channel — where we go to war"! TMT, June 7, 2023.) Kaohsiung in southern Taiwan, its largest container port, less than a hundred miles from the tip of Northern Luzon, handles 62 percent of its cargo volume. US forces will have to supply Taiwan through Kaohsiung from US pre-positioned logistics in bases in the Philippines and Japan and the main route for America's reinforcements from Guam and Hawaii.

Thus, with the pro-American BBM clearly singing America's tune, the next generations may spell the permanent return of the Marcos political clan, whose members are now ensconced in critical elective positions, more numerous and better placed than even during the time of the dictator.

BBM may need to play a game similar to what his father did with his anti-communism during America's post-WW2 red paranoia. Ferdinand Makoy and his martial law regime and avid pro-Western stance held the fort for America during the Nixon-Reagan years. And with the Marcoses firmly entrenched as America's alter ego in Asia, Philippine surrogacy of American and Western ideals is assured.

Cuidao, BBM-DU30-Quiboloy

Although not major cogs now in the scheme of things, Duterte's and Quiboloy's plight simply reflect the ability of America to exact its pound of flesh. Quiboloy's criminal cases, extradition, and even the ownership of SMNI are now hanging in the balance. And so are the cases at the ICC against former president Duterte. Former presidents have never been immune to the wrath of America and allies in the West who hold the levers of international justice. Many have been hauled before the courts: Omar al-Bashir, the former president of Sudan, indicted in 2009; Laurent Gbagbo, former president of Ivory Coast, in 2010-2011; and Jean-Pierre Bemba, former vice president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, convicted in 2016.

More egregious scenarios are sitting presidents deposed with the involvement or support of the United States in various regions around the world: Manuel Noriega of Panama; Salvador Allende of Chile; Jacob Arben of Guatemala; Jean-Bertrand Aristide of Haiti; Mohammad Mossadegh (Iran); Ngo Dinh Diem (South Vietnam); Saddam Hussein (Iraq); and Muammar Gaddafi (Libya). The list goes on.

These are cautionary tales for BBM and the Marcos political dynasty!

Second of 3 parts

BORROWING from the playbook of President Duterte, the current Philippine Congress, now under the direction of the Marcoses, has moved to defang the SMNI, Pastor Quiboloy's flagship, threatening to withdraw its congressional franchise — a not-so-subtle move by Speaker Ferdinand Martin Romualdez, the self-appointed Marcos heir to contest the 2028 presidency. Romualdez comes with an impeccable bloodline, a son of Kokoy Romualdez, Imelda's favorite brother and martial law billionaire who at one time was named by Forbes as the 30th richest man in the Philippines — whose wealth Cory's Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) claimed to be ill-gotten. Martin's cold-blooded political acumen may be gleaned from the ouster of his erstwhile ally, then House senior deputy speaker Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (GMA), an avid supporter of VP Sara. It may be noted that Martin was the campaign manager of Sara when she ran for vice president.

Now, we run full circle. VP Sara, the heiress-apparent of the fledgling political dynasty from the South, is a hindrance to the Marcos clan seeking to consolidate its hold on the country. It is imperative that she be dislodged from her current high perch, which could catapult her to the presidency in 2028.

Qiboloy's continuing travails

In the meantime, the dismantling of Quiboloy's media empire may have been relegated temporarily to the backburner pending the outcome of the Senate hearings on Quiboloy himself, where he is more vulnerable as sordid testimonies have reached salacious proportions meant to denigrate his person. This could be a much better strategy toward the eventual dismantling of SMNI by exposing Quiboloy's decadent, prurient and undisciplined appetites, as shown by a parade of young women-victims, incongruously called "pastorals — they who serve," ministering to the "Son of the Father" with daily evening full-body massages and providing testimony not only to this debauchery but outright accusations of sexual molestation and even rape.

Sen. Risa Hontiveros, champion of women's rights, is blind to the irony of having these women relive their experiences, humiliatingly marching them in front of cameras, knowing full well that these hearings, "in aid of legislation" will not in any way establish the innocence or guilt of Quiboloy. This is the wrong venue. The courts are. This circus is designed simply to titillate and entertain the masses. The PR mileage for the senator and her cohorts is incalculable.

However, this hearing has hit a snag as Quiboloy, under threat of contempt, ignored a subpoena and refused to appear before the Hontiveros committee. This snub, a slap in the face of the Senate, reflects the inutility of secular power before the bizarre, self-professed majesty of the "Son of God." But Quiboloy's allies — Senators Padilla, Bong Go, Imee Marcos and Cynthia Villar — came to his defense, a shrewd investment for future electoral votes — if Quiboloy goes scot-free.

So, the Senate is in a quandary as to what to do about this rebuff. Will he be declared in contempt and detained if caught? To the ASOG, this could be a welcome development better than any telenovela, as this will, in his disturbed mind, precipitate the second but virtual crucifixion of the "Appointed Son" — enhancing his reputation among his alleged 6 million members worldwide.

My kingdom is also of this earth

In his February 21 rant, Quiboloy went ballistic in taking the side of the Dutertes with rhetorical and non-sequiturs obliquely accusing BBM, Liza and the first family of having sex orgies and drug sessions in Malacañang on Tuesdays and Fridays. And even hiring a voodoo expert from Africa and witchcraft from India.

He is now in hiding for fear of assassination and CIA "rendition," a euphemism for kidnapping similar to practices during US President Dubya Bush's administration when al-Qaida terrorists were "renditioned" to Guantanamo in Cuba — a US base — to be investigated and oftentimes tortured, skirting US mainland laws.

And the ASOG has the bravado to demand that BBM, Liza and Martin Romualdez step down, having lost the Filipinos' trust. And in dramatic fashion declared, "I am no longer alive — I am a living dead! I will lead this country for justice and fear of God! I have already seen my mansion in heaven — where I had been countless times."

Apparently, Quiboloy is carving another role for himself aside from his heavenly mandate — a secular leadership of the Filipino people, perhaps heading an uprising of some sort.

These rantings curiously are a common phenomenon to beleaguered, demented religious cult leaders seeking faux martyrdom. BBM laughed these all off and dismissed these histrionics. Somehow, BBM has to resolve this nuisance with his Senate and congressional allies.

America — the 'miron'

Overarching all these, America's not-so-subtle sanction slowly tightens the noose around Quiboloy's neck. A warrant of arrest has been unsealed by a California judge, paving the way for Quiboloy's extradition to the US for alleged crimes involving sex trafficking, child abuse, and sexually abusing young girls and forcing them into prostitution. Some of Quiboloy's co-defendants are already in FBI custody, under indictment; some have confessed, and trials may begin soon. It may be noted that in 2021, Quiboloy's private plane was seized in Hawaii, but it has been returned to him since. However, the $350,000 in small bills found in the plane were confiscated. Apparently, the offices of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ (KOJC) in mainland US and Hawaii have been closed, and their properties have been sequestered.

The extradition request will have to go through the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) for evaluation before going to the Department of Justice (DoJ). This could be accelerated as the DoJ has refiled a case of sexual abuse, which was already dismissed in Davao in 2020. This will strengthen the request for extradition. It may take some time before Quiboloy is extradited to the US — if ever. But this is ultimately BBM's call. In another development, the Deegong has been appointed as administrator of properties belonging to the KOJC.

Closing scenario

At the end of the day, in this internecine political fight between Filipino political dynasties — the Marcoses and Dutertes, with their surrogates Sara, Martin and Quiboloy — are all minor actors, playing supporting roles as far as America is concerned.

America really doesn't care who wins in the end between these two protagonists as long as Uncle Sam's interests are ascendant and protected. The Marcoses have the upper hand now. But any deviation from this scenario that America has long preordained for its role in Asia will spell the survival of any system of government. BBM only knows this too well, having witnessed the decades-long relations of his father with Uncle Sam until Makoy outlived his usefulness. The same can be said of the Dutertes, seeing how the Deegong is now fighting tooth and nail against the International Criminal Court (ICC) over the resumption of the investigation of his human rights cases on the extrajudicial killings (EJK). The political cognoscenti can see the hand of America with the acquiescence of the Marcoses on these bold moves now that Duterte is himself vulnerable.

Next week: The geopolitical ramifications of the clash of political dynasties.

Seventh of a series

THIS week marks the 38th anniversary of the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution. For a time, EDSA was celebrated yearly on a grand scale, commemorating the end of a dictatorship and restoring the aspirations of the Filipinos for a better life. Expectations have faded since, and so have the celebrations. Cory and FVR, two Philippine presidents, products of EDSA and keepers of its flame, are long gone, except for one major player, the elder Marcos' Defense secretary, Juan Ponce Enrile, who turned a century old this month, whom many suspect cannot die — just like the biblical wandering Jew. In the intervening years, as is wont in history, perspective changes.

Decades back, I wrote about the 1986 events to lock down my own memories while still fresh, anticipating that as history is dynamic and in flux, views constantly change contingent upon where one sits. And more sinister, the protagonists, particularly those who were booted out, will somehow manufacture fresh perspectives alien to the events of those days. And it is understandable, as the interpretations of events are written by the victors. The paradox over the years is necessarily centered on who the victors and the vanquished are. Today, the latter is ascendant and has attempted to reinterpret the meaning of the 1986 events.

Looking back, many of us, fed by our egos, deemed ourselves major participants in great events. But looking through the prism of history, we were simply bystanders, a level higher than those known as "usiseros" and "miron."

EPPC 1986

I reprint excerpts of my experience and thoughts on those days:

"I was not at EDSA. There was no EDSA in Davao City. But I was part of the decades-long political struggle that eventually brought about the upheaval during those heady four days in February 1986, now known worldwide as the EDSA People Power Revolution.

"This is not a tome or even an attempt at a thesis examining the actual events leading toward the culmination of decades of a seething political cauldron. This is a simple recounting from personal memory to answer an age-old conundrum '...where were you when it happened.' Perhaps this is also a way of situating one's role in the great episodes of the times. We hanker to be part of the momentous movements of history and even begin to presume that we may indeed have been a major participant thereof — when, in fact, we simply may have taken on a minor role — bit players in an unfolding drama on the world's stage. But it is this trifling part, when multiplied by the thousands that makes the involvement of each of us anywhere within the stream of events singularly significant. In this way, our collective action becomes history-making. We need not have been at EDSA — we were the spirit of EDSA."

Cory was gifted by the Filipino a revolutionary government, and the euphoric citizenry bestowed upon her powers that could have corrected the inequities of the past. Instead, she denied this gift to bring back her own cherished concept of democracy, the old status quo ante, oblivious to the fact that prior to the martial law regime, our concepts of democracy imposed by our American colonials were dysfunctional. But Cory, a headstrong housewife, was a captive of her class, born of the elite and the entitled. Politically naïve, she had to impose upon the country a system congruent to Western concepts outlandish to the culture and Filipino political dynamics.

Local governments and OICs

She succumbed to the demands of America, the standard mantra for a universal election to legitimize her government when the power structures up to the local level were still controlled by the old systemic anomalies, political dynasties and their allies among the elite and the oligarchy. She fired the Marcos-era local government executives, the good along with the bad (mayors and governors), replacing them with mostly incompetent political amateurs — her OICs at the local government level (LGUs). The elections, barely 15 months after EDSA 1986, won for Cory the Senate and House of Representatives, but the more important local governments were no match for the entrenched political families.

Today's column, Part 7, is the culmination of a series of essays on the profiles of corruption of presidents and their administrations post-Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. It is a sad note and an indictment of the Filipino that we as a people have not extricated ourselves from the world's perception of a corrupt country. We rank 116th of 180 countries in the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index (CPI) in 2022 — bookended by Sierra Leone and the Dominican Republic. It is a truism that the Philippines' Third World version of public service is steeped in practices, from bureaucratic slippages and leakages to rent-seeking and regulatory capture — all euphemisms for graft and corruption in government.

Realities of PH governance

 But today, four decades after EDSA, our hopes and expectations are dashed; the culture of corruption continues to be deeply rooted in governance. Graft is institutionalized at the top levels of government. What democracy brought us is the democratization of the looting of public coffers. The tragedy of it all is that it has become a way of life for those who are in public service, permeating those they serve.

In my penultimate column, I suggested to the current Marcos a path he could take: "First, get the unelected members of your family out of the hierarchy of governance and the decision-making process, and use your powers as a strong president to discipline the elected ones. The second is to apply your predecessor the Deegong's dictum, which tragically he failed to follow through: cut off the heads of any of your people tainted by even 'a whiff of corruption.'"

To this, I propose an addendum — for the son to borrow a page from the father's playbook. In September 1972 upon the declaration of martial law, Makoy reorganized government and established a new code of conduct for the bureaucracy directed towards cleaning up the government, starting with the notorious Bureaus of Customs (BoC), Internal Revenue (BIR), the judiciary and regulatory agencies. He called for their resignations — which in these times may be impossible under the current system. What BBM can do immediately instead is to put in place a system of financial rewards to incentivize whistleblowers who report corruption in government? To democratize the initiatives, the process must involve the citizenry to the level where they deal with the bureaucracy on a day-to-day basis; the police involved in racketeering, "tong" collections in the street/traffic level, protecting illegal vendors, drug dealers, house of prostitution and gambling dens; the "hulidap" system of spurious arrest designed to extort payola; 'fixers' in government agencies, collecting fees for licenses, birth/marriage certificates, fees to cut red-tapes; "laglag bala" that victimizes OFWs at airport immigration; and a host of petty corruption at local level.

These may not totally eliminate corruption in government, but they can certainly abate the hemorrhage. But this needs the political will of the president.

Does BBM have it?

Sixth of a series

JOSEPH "Erap" Estrada has gone through several elective positions that prepared him for the presidency — post-Ferdinand E. Marcos. His partisans described him as one of the most experienced Philippine politicians, having been elected vice president for six years, another six years as senator before that, and mayor of a major city for 17 years. Compare this to Cory, a housewife; FVR, a soldier; GMA, an academic; PNoy, an entitled son; and the Deegong, a local politician.

He was an idolized local movie star playing lead roles in a hundred movies depicting tough characters, oftentimes a gangster, but always had the interest of the common tao and the marginalized. His persona hews closely to a screenplay of one who comes from the underclass and champions their cause, mostly against oppression by the rich and the elite who made fun of him as a buffoon, driving the masses instead to his corner. And always in the movies, against all odds, his character transcends the harsh life of poverty, akin to a Horatio Alger "rags-to-riches" trajectory. The Filipino moviegoers lapped up this storyline, unable to distinguish Erap's screen persona from reality as a politician.

Erap's appetites were grand and undisciplined, from his womanizing to his peculiar taste for the libertine lifestyle, quaffing P5,000-P20,000 a pop for his favorite Petrus red wine, a nightly drinking binge with his "barkada" at the Palace as described by his short-lived chief of staff, Aprodicio Laquian to building a "Boracay Mansion" for one mistress with white sand around the pool. He was a dilettante uninterested in the ship of state but captive to populist tendencies.

He was a charismatic, talented actor who endeared himself to his audience. He understood the use of symbols, his trademark white wristband, gestures and mannerisms of a "kanto boy" (vagabond), mumbling the English language, the elite's lingua franca. All these faux performances appealed to the masses — the poor and disenfranchised, propelling him to the heights of elective political office. This script was blurred between his screen roles and his real life. His presidency, he said, was the "greatest role of his life." And indeed, it was. In the 31 months as president, reality caught up with him. He was ousted from the presidency in a popular uprising, EDSA People Power 2, during an aborted impeachment trial for corruption. He was later tried for the crime of plunder for the embezzlement of $80 million (P4 billion), found guilty and sentenced to reclusion perpetua (life imprisonment). He spent almost seven years in prison but was granted a pardon by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, his former vice president, in October 2007— a detention longer than his stint as the country's president. It may be noted that GMA herself spent time in detention for similar criminal charges — although she was later acquitted ("Profiles in corruption: GMA, Hello Garci, NBN-ZTE, atbp.," The Manila Times, Feb 7, 2024).

Jueteng and tobacco excise tax

Erap was corrupt, accused of illegal gambling payoffs, kickbacks and jueteng scandals. His plunder case consisted of "...his acceptance of P545 million proceeds from (jueteng), an illegal gambling; misappropriation of P130 million in excise taxes from tobacco; receiving a P189.7-million commission from the sale of the shares of Belle Corp., a real estate firm; and owning some P3.2 billion in a bank account under the name Jose Velarde" (Ombudsman charges at Sandiganbayan, April 4, 2001).

The Ilocos Sur governor, Luis 'Chavit' Singson, Erap's close friend who later turned on him, allegedly personally handed over P400 million of jueteng money payoffs and P180 million from the government price subsidy for the tobacco farmers' marketing cooperative. Erap's gambling buddy, Charlie "Atong" Ang, was also found to have funneled amounts to the president. Curiously, it was established in the trial that the bank account where these funds were lodged was the president's — attaching his signature, signing himself in with impunity and stupidly so as "Jose Velarde."

In some ways, Estrada has paid for his transgressions and will go down in history as a corrupt president, ousted from the presidency through a defective impeachment process. Were it not for the pardon of President GMA, Erap would have rotted in jail.

At this point, BBM should learn his lessons well, not only from the Erap presidency but from the preceding regimes: Cory, FVR, GMA, PNoy and Duterte's (parts 1-5, "Profiles in corruption," TMT, Jan. 17- Feb. 14, 2024). It is understandable that a priority of the son is to exonerate the presidency and image of his father, Ferdinand Sr. What better way than to clear a pathway for his own presidency that will be an antithesis to those of his predecessors? What this column has been attempting to establish by highlighting the glaring perversions of each president is to portray that these are part of an institutionalized corruption tolerated from the top and has migrated to the body politic.

The venerable Jaime Cardinal Sin, a nemesis of the old Makoy, said it succinctly in 1986: "Ali Baba has fled the Philippines, but the 40 thieves have been left behind!" And subsequent presidencies may have embraced many of them, but more deadly, their mindset of corruption and perversion of governance pervaded subsequent regimes, and a culture of corruption continues and has become a way of life not only at the level of bureaucracy but even among the populace. BBM should understand that to succeed, this should not be tolerated. This is the single most important factor that could sink his own.

Lessons to be learned

Unlike the other presidents in this series, BBM has so much more at stake as he must also carry the burden of his father's reputation and the exigencies of his regime. I reiterate what I wrote in my column in the first part of this series (TMT, Jan. 31, 2024):

"Our intent is for the current president, Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr., to revive the investigations of these corruption cases. Having gone full circle from his father's martial law regime to his more open and democratic administration, my thesis is if he could resolve these scandals and bring the perpetrators to justice for the remaining years of his presidency — even for this alone — he could still be a good president, nay, a great one! And perhaps in the process, he could rehabilitate his father's image — or at least mitigate the nadir of governance in the annals of Philippine history."

Admittedly, it is a nearly impossible task and a long road to rehabilitating a father's legacy while at the same time shaping his own. I propose two simple lessons the young Marcos could learn from this series of columns on presidential corruption as his point of departure for the rest of his term.

First, get the unelected members of your family out of the hierarchy of governance and the decision-making process, and use your powers as a strong president to discipline the elected ones. The second is to apply your predecessor the Deegong's dictum, which tragically he failed to follow through: cut off the heads of any of your people tainted by even "a whiff of corruption."

The rest is up to you. Good hunting!