Part 2
LAST week’s column stirred a hornet’s nest of stinging comments from my friends from both sides of the aisle — the Yellow horde and the DDS. The former regards this conspiracy as a veritable manifestation of the dying throes of a strongman feigning to be a strong leader of a weak state. Or as I gather from various blogs in social media “…a leader who equates the use of political will with that of a totalitarian wielding political bully power.” A culmination of the two years of policy bumbling, merely coping with the challenges of the presidency and outright mis-governance lathered with copious amounts of misogynic statements and attacks against the Catholic Church. This is a harsh judgment of DU30’s regime, but not entirely unexpected as the PNoy administration’s skeletons in the closet are now being exposed: the irregular Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) controversy, Dengvaxia deaths due to corruption, pork barrel scam (Napoles) and a host of anomalies, making PNoy and his minions vulnerable to possible jail terms — as his predecessors GMA and Erap went through. We Filipinos have the propensity to jail our presidents; or in a more depraved way, the incoming regime, if in opposition, will exact its pound of flesh. Thus, what GMA did to Erap, and what PNoy did to GMA and what DU30 will do to PNoy — are by far the trend. If the opposition wins after DU30, then he may also see the other side of a jail cell.
But there were positive remarks too on my conspiracy article. In fact, certain permutations to the conspiracy theory were added, suggesting a wide traction that seem to make the scenarios more believable. For instance, some proffered the idea that all these were tolerated upon his sufferance and mostly emanated from the mind of the political strategist — the Deegong himself — who may have foreseen and even planned this a long time ago. In summary, this is a foreplay to the long-awaited revolutionary government (revgov) that has particularly resonated with his true believers. Accordingly, the Deegong is wise enough to lull the Yellows into a state of confidence, lethargy even. And he will pounce at the time of his choosing.
To fortify the DU30’s authorship of the conspiracy theory, they volunteered the information that long before his ally GMA was installed as speaker in the House of Representatives, the bureaucracy was being reconfigured with retired military men, seconded into the President’s coterie, occupying key positions –“…59 retired military generals, police directors, admirals and colonels (were to date) appointed to the Cabinet and other agencies, including government-owned corporations. Many of them are either from Mindanao or were assigned to Davao City where Mr. Duterte served as mayor for 22 years…” (Inquirer.net, Fe Zamora, Philip Tubeza). But more importantly, key officials, from the AFP chief of staff to area commanders, police generals and regional directors, which matter the most in a junta-led government, were personally hand-picked by DU30. He learned well from his lamented predecessor, President Marcos, whom he professed to admire greatly.
Which brings the conspiracy theory to the part played by the Marcoses. The family has staged a comeback with the help of DU30 but at the same time their impact has been greatly moderated; thus, they must remain the liege lords of the north in obeisance to the DU30 and the Duterte that may come after the Deegong, Sarah. With the Sandiganbayan’s decision finding the matriarch Imelda guilty on seven counts, and the pending P200-billion forfeiture case hanging like Damocles’ sword over them, the Marcoses understand where power lies. For all intents and purposes, only the Marcos name and a whiff of the legend lingers. Bongbong’s move against Leni is going nowhere and even if he wins the protest, it will come too late. And the most capable of the Marcoses after Ferdinand himself, Imee, may just wither in the vine in the Senate — if she makes it. And the brains, the political centurions and structures that were once formidable adjuncts to the family — Danding Cojuangco, Estelito Mendoza, Lucio Tan, Enrile and their ilk — may now be in an advanced state of dementia. And their North is no longer solid as there are now more claimants. There is no longer a “king of the north,” to paraphrase “The Game of Thrones.” Thus, the conspiracy theory with the suspected provenance of the Deegong has more credence. But how will this blow in the international scene? Not much, really.
Our closest ally America, while awaiting the impeachment of a clueless President who is likewise accused of being a stooge or spy of the Russians, is really of no consequence to the realities of the Philippines. We symbolically cut our umbilical cord with mother America when the Deegong did his song and dance number on his pivot to China, but our direct emotional ties with 2 million Filipinos in America are a permanent unbreakable bond. And our substitution for China’s embrace is proving to be awkwardly uncomfortable with the Chinese territorial claims and encroachment into our sovereignty unchecked, and with the Deegong postponing confrontation with the inevitable to the next regime.
Shamelessly we have telegraphed to our neighbors in Asia and to the world that despite our moral victory at the UN arbitral court, China can do whatever it wants. It will spread morsels and scraps our way and we will take them — under the guise of the ‘Build, Build, Build’ program. And we will be thankful. We are in effect already a province of China. So, the conspiracy theory, either way, does not matter to them.
And where will be the adherents of real reform? The believers in a federal-parliamentary government and the liberalization of our economy through constitutional revisions? We’ve been had!
And we are again faced with an election where the name brands, the political dynasts and the discredited politicians freed from their jail terms may again win. And they will once more ride herd over this country and continue sucking the marrows of our countrymen – because the stupid voters will put them in power. And we will celebrate this as the triumph of democracy.
Perhaps the conspiracy theory is just a theory. Perhaps it is a product of the minds of desperate Filipinos who have been waiting for the pagbabago to happen. Perhaps it is a longing for freedom-loving, honest and handworking constituents like many of us to repair to a reverie where we are momentarily made safe. Perhaps, this is just a projection of our fears and hopes. Or perhaps, this is in fact true, ongoing and may soon erupt. Perhaps…!
Panfilo Lacson was not really held in great esteem when he burst into public consciousness as top policeman of the Presidential Anti-Crime Commission (PACC), a crime fighting bureaucracy under Vice-President “Erap” Estrada during the administration of President Fidel Ramos. Lacson was perceived to be a no-nonsense policeman who, like his sponsor, might consider the nuances of the application of the law as mere inconvenience.
In 1995, the PACC was linked to the killing of 11 members of the Kuratong Baleleng organized crime syndicate who were into kidnapping for ransom, robbery and illegal drugs, among others. Lacson and his men were alleged to have engaged them in a shootout, but witnesses and evidence showed that the whole scenario was staged. It was labeled by the press as a cold-blooded massacre. Nonetheless, the notoriety of the gang and its vicious methods pitted the group against public opinion. Human rights advocates were in uproar, while many law-abiding ordinary citizens distressed with rising crime were tolerant with the PACC’s methods. The criminal case against Lacson and his men were eventually dismissed.
Upon his assumption of office as President, Erap organized the Presidential Anti-Organized Crime Task Force (PAOCTF), headed by Lacson, who was then Police director general. During the short reign of Erap, corruption was endemic and an influential publicist and political operator, Salvador “Bobby” Dacer, was in the forefront, allegedly helping destabilize his regime.
In November 2000, Dacer and his driver were abducted, and their corpses burned. Senior officers of PAOCTF and Lacson were implicated in this ghastly crime. The case dragged on for years, but before Lacson could be charged in court, he fled the country and became a fugitive for months. He returned when the case against him was dismissed, finishing his first full term as senator of the land.
Lacson’s comportment was not surprising because of his image then as an acolyte given hands-on tutorials by the infamous Col. Rolando Abadilla, who was perceived to be the executioner and master torturer of the Marcos regime when he headed the notorious METROCOM Intelligence and Security Group (MISG).
During the Erap years (as VP and later, President) Lacson cultivated his image as a scourge of criminals, a curse to the incompetent and crooked cops under him, and he nurtured a reputation as an incorruptible law enforcer. He was known to refuse emoluments from grateful families of KFR victims, parlaying these deeds to a seat in the Philippine Senate.
It was as a senator when he perfected his anti-corruption persona as he refused to avail of his Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF), the “pork barrel” funds, which were sources of corruption for congressmen and senators. He unsuccessfully called for its abolition but in his first six-year senatorial term he had his PDAF reverted to the National Treasury, only the second senator to have done so.
Many began to reassess this maverick who has been shedding the façade of a violator of human rights and who assumed a different role as a fighter of corruption in the highest echelon of government – the two houses of Congress. From one who went on the lam for 15 months to skip an arrest warrant and murder charges, he morphed into one who crusaded against wholesale corruption. He placed third on his second term election bid for the Senate in 2016.
It will be recalled that in 2013, the Supreme Court declared PDAF unconstitutional after the expose of a massive scam by Janet Lim Napoles and the involvement of members of the two houses of Congress. Three senators were incarcerated for plunder as a result.
Today, it’s all overturned. The three senators, Juan Ponce Enrile, Jinggoy Estrada and Bong Revilla have been exonerated and are now running for their old seats at the Senate. And worse, their main source of corruption, the “pork barrel system,” is back in the 2019 budget. And the pork barrel insertions are again being replayed at the start of every budget hearing, although these are being denied by the House Leadership.
“This political striptease on pork – by those exposing its hidden fat and by those defending its value – is as old as the tired debate on political dynasties.… One lawmaker would leak all the hidden insertions, others would condemn the practice, and the beneficiaries would sing praises to it: pork builds bridges; pork paves farm-to-market roads; pork constructs recreational facilities for the poor; and pork brings hospitals nearer to them. It is the grease that makes basic services happen.
(“Rappler” Glenda Gloria, Dec. 11, 2018)
And all of them have their pounds of flesh as percentages cut from the fat they can pocket out of these services, I might add.
Enter Senator Lacson, the only senator now in the realm that has the decency to champion, this time, the people’s and presumably, the Deegong’s fight against corruption.
Among the bill of particulars are the allocation of P60 million for each member of Congress, with some favorites such as Congressmen Rolly Andaya and Carlo Nograles allocated billions more. The House Speaker, former President GMA and a freed plunderer herself, is back in her old ways with fund insertions amounting to billions – although again denied by her.
Lacson fully knows well the evil representing these anomalous pork insertions and has vowed to kill them in the Senate budget deliberations.
He will fail! A single senator against a community of “honorable gentlemen and ladies” salivating for their share is just too much for a maverick unless the people led by the “anti-corruption President” moves with alacrity. But will he?
Thus, the ongoing reinvention of Lacson as the senator who will storm the ramparts of his own house, the Senate, plays perfectly into the political theater. While DU30 has been perceived as the President with the political will to fight corruption in the bureaucracy, he has been perceived also to be overwhelmed and his initiatives sputtering. And the bigger fight on corruption has shifted to both houses of the legislative body where the majority is the Deegong’s allies. But by necessity one of their own must perform surgery against the perceived anomalous budget. This role is perfect for Lacson, and he is gaining traction.
Duterte’s supporters, particularly the avid DDS who have been contemplating the post-DU30 scenario on who will continue his “pagbabago agenda,” have been building up the feisty daughter Sara to assume his mantle after he leaves the scene.
But in the scheme of things — with the constant complaints of the President that he is tired, his failure to deliver on his campaign promises (federalism, the peace process), and overall governance ennui — he has created a dangerous perception of a vacuum in governance. That could be dangerously filled by the denizens of the political past, the GMA cohorts now populating not only the halls of Congress but even the key real estate in the Cabinet and major bureaucracies.
And in all these convoluted scenarios, a PRRD clone in the ascendant awaits on the sidelines: Panfilo Lacson.
In a move that rivaled the stealth with which the remains of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos were buried in the heroes’ cemetery, the House of Representatives swiftly passed last week the Resolution of Both Houses (RBH) of Congress No. 15, otherwise known as the draft federal constitution.
Despite vigorous objections from some quarters, and after only three session days of plenary debates, the House approved on third and final reading its controversial draft that would replace the 1987 Constitution and lead to a shift to federalism.
Naturally, there are serious questions about its intent. As former solicitor general Florin Hilbay noted, the move to amend the 1987 Constitution is aimed at paving the way, not for federalism, but for the lifting of term limits on lawmakers and the abolition of the provisions against political dynasties.
Long story short, it’s another crude attempt by politicians to hold on to power. And it doesn’t help that its principal author is Speaker Gloria Macapagal Arroyo who can’t seem to have enough of public office, starting from being vice president in 1998, assuming the presidency from the disgraced Joseph Estrada, running for president despite an earlier avowal to the contrary, and, after that term, sliding down to a seat in the House.
So for whom is this proposed charter? Whose interest were the House members serving when they passed with unseemly haste a draft that toys with the Philippines’ democratic processes as well as its patrimony and resources?
Consider how the draft charter allows foreign ownership of public utilities, educational institutions and the media, and imagine how the case of the third telco — a consortium that includes China — could very well apply to transport facilities and electric and water utilities, as well as schools and radio-TV networks.
With President Duterte so cozy with China that hundreds of thousands of undocumented Chinese have found their way to offshore gambling operations here, the possibility of the Philippines being taken over by moneyed foreign governments is hardly far-fetched.
Think of what has been lost in the Spratlys, indeed in the West Philippine Sea. The draft charter would amount to legitimizing bullying tactics.
There is also the matter of term extensions for current officials until 2022, which means that next year’s elections could possibly be scuttled, depriving the people of the chance to elect officials whom they believe would do better than the incumbents.
At the same time, postponing the 2019 elections would allow wily politicians to craft more laws to their advantage, with little opposition from the administration-dominated Congress.
As shown in the hasty approval of the draft federal charter, it takes only three legislative sessions to tear up the painstaking process of building a democracy, pointed out Quezon City Rep. Kit Belmonte, who voted against RBH 15.
Even Rep. Lito Atienza, a staunch Arroyo ally, decried the secretive manner with which the draft was passed: “The people’s full involvement and knowledge of what they’re doing and what they want for the future should have been considered in this particular issue.”
The draft also has “one fatal omission,” according to former chief justice Reynato Puno, who chaired the Consultative Committee on Charter Change. It failed to mention the Bangsamoro and Cordillera regions. “Unless we are able to satisfy these identity-based demands, we’ll always be hounded by this peace and order problem. The worst-case scenario is [these two regions] may even separate from us,” he warned.
The hasty passage of the proposed federal constitution has raised eyebrows as well because of the surveys showing that federalism and charter change are bottom-dwellers among the current concerns of most Filipinos. (Inflation and high prices, the lack of jobs and peace and order are their more pressing concerns, survey respondents said.)
With even proponents of federalism describing the draft charter as “garbage,” it is up to the Senate to junk it before it can do harm.
Citizens should speak out against it — loudly and continuously on all platforms, including social media. Voters can do their part by choosing wisely in the 2019 polls, electing those who can hold their own despite pressures and enticements from mercenary politicos.
It bears reminding that a Duterte majority could very well mean the approval of the draft charter, and the unraveling of the democratic process as we know it.