IN our culture, one feature that puts citizens on equal footing whether they are of the upper class or part of the “mayukmok” is an appreciation of “pagmumukha”or ‘face.’ There is no exact English translation but roughly, this is mostly an Asian trait that puts top premium on comportment, particularly on one’s sense of worth.

In most Filipino families, “walanghiya” in Tagalog, or “way uwaw” in Bisaya, is an all-encompassing personal rebuke that speaks volumes — from criticizing a display of bad manners, a demonstration of a flawed character to an indictment of shoddy parental upbringing. The latter is usually accompanied by “walang pinag-aralan” or “wala tudlu-i sa mga ginikanan,” condemning in the process one’s progeny. We have permutations on this theme rooted in Spanish: palabra de honor and amor propio. All play around with the notion of “shame” — which could be the appropriate synonym in the English language.

Within government and public service and in the corporate domain, with positions of responsibility, a more sophisticated concept is often used; that of delicadeza. Handed down by the Spanish colonialists and married to our Asian concept of “mukha” or “face,” this is a strong Filipino value that permeates private behavior in the light of one’s public actuations and responsibilities. It is an ingrained mechanism that uses self-worth as a guide to one’s acts.

In our society, delicadeza is a highly regarded attribute, and one who applies this appropriately is deemed refined and praised for good upbringing. One does honor not only to oneself but to one’s family as well. And the opposite “walang delicadeza” connotes all the negatives attached to a person that deserves society’s contempt. One is therefore scorned by neighbors and community — and maybe even by family. But Filipino culture is much more forgiving.

Not in other cultures, like the Japanese, whose sense of self-worth is equivalent to honor. And honor above all holds the top tier in their set of values — even above life itself. Thus, in their history, any transgressions that impact negatively on one’s honor must restore it to oneself and one’s family by paying with one’s life. This is the ultimate act of restoration.

In this culture, seppuku is the preferred method. A ritual suicide in a centuries-old, tradition-laden ceremony of using a dagger to disembowel oneself. This was originally the samurai’s ultimate method to attenuate shame but only upon the express permission of his daimyo or feudal master.

In the modern context, the Japanese’s equivalent sense of delicadeza demands public humiliation and apology. Several years ago, the grandson of the president Akio Toyoda, the Toyota Corp. founder, offered a public apology on TV for some transgressions that impacted negatively the quality and reliability of their cars. For bad corporate performance, Japanese electronics company Panasonic President Kazuhiro Tsuga cried publicly and offered an apology.

Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama apologized and resigned after just eight months in office for failure to honor critical election promises. In April of this year, Vice Finance Minister Junichi Fukuda resigned amid allegations of sexual harassment. And in a scandalous bribery case in September 2018, Finance Minister Hiroshi Mitsuzuka, a powerful bureaucrat, resigned when several executives under him were accused of taking bribes. Mitsuzuka, although not implicated, assumed responsibility.

Public apology is embedded in Japanese corporate and government bureaucratic culture, and resignation in extreme cases is warranted. And Japanese society expects and accepts such acts as public contrition. Seppuku is no longer allowed as atonement in modern Japanese society, but there are still reports of old-time traditionalists paying the ultimate to restore their honor.

Which brings us to the Philippine context. In the Philippines, those who are themselves involved in transgressions cling to their positions like leeches with nary an apology. And the bigger anomaly is that they pass on the onus to the appointing power. “I serve at the pleasure of the President…” is often the shameless default statement. No accountability is taken and what’s worse is that blame is imputed to others, mostly to the lower ranks. And depending on the mood of the Deegong and his tolerance for pain over firing longtime close associates, the miscreant will have to suffer the bigoted DU30 policy on “whiff of corruption,” just waiting to be fired. These shameless acts by the bureaucrats fall under “walang delicadeza,” with all the negatives attached to the phrase; no sense of self-worth and no honor.

Thus, the resignation of Secretary Jesus “Jess” Dureza as head of the Office of Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) is a whiff of fresh air from the recent fetid atmosphere of overstaying bureaucrats in the Bureau of Customs, whose corrupt practices cry to high heavens. And this is a study in contrast to the questionable actuations of a high government official who entered into a security agency contract with his own department.

As gleaned from Dureza’s resignation letter, the President terminated two OPAPP high officials for some alleged anomalies. At no point was Secretary Jess involved in any of the anomalies that caused the termination of his two top men.

Last week, Secretary Jess posted in his Facebook page his letter of resignation to DU30 with a lead statement in bold letters. I quote:

“I TAKE FULL RESPONSIBILITY FOR CORRUPTION AT OPAPP.”

“I am sad because despite my efforts to be compliant with your strong advocacy against corruption, I failed…I truly am sad that OPAPP, as an institution which I head, had to suffer publicly due to the acts of a few.

“Nonetheless, I take full responsibility and apologize for all this.

“I am voluntarily tendering my resignation to pave the way for the needed reorganization that Your Excellency may wish to undertake at OPAPP. “

Secretary Jess need not perform seppuku, but he did a brave Filipino equivalent. He resigned to take responsibility. And this is delicadeza at its best. His acts and statement were reflections of how a better man and a better bureaucrat needs to behave. He will be judged wonderfully by our citizenry. It was therefore unnecessary for Jess to post an addendum:

“Although I have voluntarily relinquished my assigned task at OPAPP, I call on everyone to continue supporting our President. I will continue to do so in my private capacity. I believe in him and in his sincere intentions for our country. He cannot do this alone.”

This somewhat blunted the edge of a pointed laudable declaration.

I WILL depart temporarily from my regular fare of politics and analysis of issues behind the headlines. Today’s item touches on a topic concerned with the demographic subset to which I belong, the “baby boomers.” We came right after the “greatest generation” that fought a world war. The end of WW2, I surmise, stimulated the homecoming warriors to wage another war in matrimonial beds perhaps to collectively replenish the population lost in the war; or young couples freed from the stresses of almost a decade of world conflict surrendered to the long suppressed hormonal demands for sexual proclivities. This precipitated an unintended consequence — over-production of babies. Except that in poverty-stricken Philippines, we continued this pleasant task as an inexpensive leisure time diversion, exacerbated by the Catholic Church dictum to go and multiply. And that we certainly did, merrily driving population growth through the roof and supplying the insatiable world demand for OFWs. Thus, I came into this world as the eldest of 10 livebirths. And so were many from my Ateneo de Davao high school class of 1960, grade school 1956, and kindergarten 1950, whose parents were similarly oblivious to “birth control.”

But today, we are a dying breed. Magnificent breed indeed, “legends in our own minds,” nonetheless dying all the same. Class ’60 could be a microcosm of my generation. There were the original nine of us who matriculated in Grade 1 in June 1950 (5-7 years old): Alvin, Dinky, Gamay, Gus, Jimmy, Ting, Manding, Ferrer and me. We had our first death in Manding Valencia†, our valedictorian; first in class, first in death! In a plane crash. The irony of it all is that it could have been Sammy Lutz, who at the last moment exchanged flights with Manding (but this is part of the class ’60 compendium of narratives, myths and lore; the expanded version available when the ADD Class ’60 book is published — if ever).

It was similarly true for Boy Ferrer† our Grade 6 valedictorian who graciously gave us two weeks’ advance notice that he was passing on (due to cancer). This precedent is now prescribed by our designated class president-for-life, Dinky; allowing the living time to fit out new barongs.

In the 1980s, our professions scattered us to the four winds but our desire to revisit our roots prompted Pete Ancheta†, Alvin and Eken Angeles to initiate yearly reconnection during school alumni reunions. These became regular affairs when many dropped by Davao to visit old haunts, update one another, relive some memories and boast about our careers and amorous conquests. Joey Ramirez† holds the record when he succumbed to a fatal stroke amidst camaraderie and merry-making. May he rest in peace.

To date, 29 of us, a good third of the original batch of 80 have passed on. Statistically, at this rate, we should all be gone in another quarter of a century notwithstanding advances in medicine and drastic changes in lifestyle. There is a morbid silver lining to this. UN statistics on population longevity establishes the male life expectancy at birth in the Philippines at 64.72 years; which give us an average bonus of a decade over our expiry date.

This macabre Russian roulette of who goes ahead happily is not in an alphabetical order; else Ting Valdez, Aks Verde and Rey Vicente have the advantage. Our being in the ‘departure area’ as it were, and the thought of ‘who goes next’ is I think the single biggest impetus that binds class ’60 together at this late date and heightens the need for a buffer from the inevitable. No one wants to board ahead, not Romy Espaldon or Mac Cabonce, our two elders, or even Alex Nidea, who is bedridden.

A dark depressing cloud descended upon us lately, triggered by the recent demise of Art Gumban. Art was literally bigger than many of us, but he possessed a demeanor perhaps influenced by devoted wife Mila. A taciturn man with an arresting smile permanently plastered on his face emitting mixed unreadable signals on whether he is angry, bored or happy. Yoly Salazar, his confidante, swears that this gentle giant of a man was sweet inside and out. He did not last a year with his pancreatic cancer.

Ben de Guzman and Boy Gomez proffered a theory which could have an element of truth; that only the good die young; “…ang masasamang damo, ay matagal mamatay,” giving a sigh of a relief to Philip Kimpo, Ochie Teoxon and Ben Garrido. On the other hand, this certainly presents a portent and a disadvantage to the likes of Pribhu Balchand, Gus Dacudao and Ruben Hilario who are the most religious in the group. Along with our designated pastor, Romy Butiu, they certainly have reserve seats if called upon early into the bosom of His Kingdom.

We will someday die but will fight tooth and nail to postpone it. Thus, we all are feverishly clinging to the familiar and a camaraderie simply to recapture memories amidst an early stage of dementia and Alzheimer — which, I’m afraid, is a much more lethal form of death. Thus, we have recruited our wives to join us in these sorties to cover up for us, reminding us to refrain from repeating old jokes. But just the same, we laugh heartily as we don’t remember the new ones from the old.

At this point in our lives, we indulge ourselves by organizing simple gatherings and out-of-town sorties. At the core is our Wednesday merienda that sometimes stretches out toward evening with Philip leading the call for beer. Danny Tiongko recently celebrated a birthday dinner with Manila-based classmates which could be a precedent for a weekly gathering in the capital region. And our hacendero, Jimmy San Agustin, has invited us all for a taste of Roxas; and Boy Tan for an engagement with the indigenous tribes of Bukidnon — whose appearance and forest smell he has emulated and absorbed.

We don’t need excuses to do lunch to celebrate a birthday, or when our rich classmate Mar OngAnte with gorgeous wife Aleli sponsor dinner — which is not that expensive as septuagenarians are in a habit of calculating calories and comparing cholesterol and blood-glucose counts while our doctor Art Perez dispenses free advice and Vic Mabunay extols the health benefits of natural coconut oil. Our appetites are decidedly reduced by talk of maladies. And the customary greetings of “how are you” are interpreted literally as a challenge for bragging rights on the latest ailments, from diabetes, to high blood pressure to erectile dysfunction. At least our conversation has not yet deteriorated into what brand of adult diaper gives the best comfort and does not leak!

And so, this narrative of the weekly gathering of old men will continue with such fervid attentiveness with the knowledge that this will not last long. The last passengers will be called soon, as one needs to surrender one’s boarding pass — “…another one bites the dust.” In the meantime, see you Wednesday afternoon.

On June 29 last year, in remarks made at the anniversary of a charity, President Duterte gave a new meaning to that biblical phrase, about charity covering a multitude of sins. He said, or rather he joked, that he had stolen from public funds before, but he had used up all of it. Many in the audience laughed.

What did he say, exactly? “I hate corruption. Hindi ako nagmamakalinis [sic]. Marami rin akong nanakaw pero naubos na. So wala na. T*ng*na, hindi ako uma… pero corruption is really out during my term.” Even as a joke, the parts in Filipino are damning. “I hate corruption. I am not pretending to be clean [Or, I am not being holier-than-thou]. I also stole a lot but it’s all used up. So it’s gone. Son of a bitch, I don’t… but corruption is really out during my term.”

Why would the chief executive, the person charged with executing the laws of the land, joke about violating the laws on corruption himself? Because he sees himself as a transgressive leader, and delights in outraging sensibilities. Because he understands this kind of tough talk is part of the appeal of Dutertismo, and he will be seen as authentic. And because he is telling the truth.

Like the American embarrassment he is often compared to, Mr. Duterte likes to talk. Unlike Donald Trump, however, he hardly traffics in projection. Instead, he often indulges in confession.

On Aug. 21, 2016, he admitted — unprompted, unprovoked — that he used to plant evidence when he was a city prosecutor in Davao City. “I’ve learned a lot during my prosecution days. We planted evidence.” (This is the live, beating heart of a disbarment case against him—and because you don’t need to be a lawyer to be President, such a case should fall outside the scope of the largely unchallenged tradition of presidential immunity. It’s worth testing.)

On Sep. 27, 2018, he confessed that his only sin was the extrajudicial killings. “Ano kasalanan ko? Nagnakaw ba ako diyan ni piso? Did I prosecute somebody na pinakulong ko? Ang kasalanan ko lang ’yung extrajudicial killings,” he said. Perhaps the more idiomatic translation of “kasalanan” is not sin, but guilt, as in “What am I guilty of?” But we can use the more literal translation, too: “What’s my sin? Did I steal even P1? Did I prosecute somebody whom I sent to jail? My only sin are those extrajudicial killings.”

We can multiply the examples of President Duterte’s many admissions against self-interest. To be sure, he and his many spokespersons like to use the he-was-joking defense. But consider just these three:

The President was not joking when he defended Solicitor General Jose Calida’s continued participation in government biddings for the chief government lawyer’s security agency. “Why should I fire him? Anything in government as long as there is bidding, there is no problem, that’s OK if he won the bidding.”

But the Constitution expressly prohibits Cabinet officials from being “financially interested in any contract with” the government or any of its agencies, and the antigraft law forbids public officers from receiving any benefit from “the Government or any other part, wherein the public officer in his official capacity has to intervene under the law.”

The President was not joking when, as a presidential candidate, he admitted being given at least three real estate properties and at least two SUVs by his good friend and constituent, Pastor Apollo Quiboloy. “Every time si Pastor magbili, dalawa ’yan. Ang isa sa akin diyan, sigurado (Every time Pastor buys something, he buys two at a time. One of them is for me, for sure),” he said.

The antigraft law prohibits “Directly or indirectly requesting or receiving any gift… for himself or for another, from any person for whom the public officer, in any manner or capacity, has secured or obtained, or will secure or obtain, any Government permit or license.”

And the President was not joking when he repeatedly praised his common-law wife Honeylet’s business acumen. By all accounts, she truly works hard at her businesses. But consider Mr. Duterte’s Honeylet narrative, which he has told often. This version is I think the latest, from Oct. 20. After describing her as his “true love,” the President narrated her rags-to-riches story yet again. “When she came home, she had saved up for capital, she franchised another one and then ventured into the meat business. The meat being sold here is hers. Besides, who would try to compete against the wife of the mayor or President? Ah, now she’s really rich.”

The key passage in the original Bisaya is even more emphatic. “Kinsa man pu’y makig-kompitensya’g asawa ka og mayor o Presidente?”

As we say in French: Mismo.

In telling this story again and again, the President admits to corruption. Simply put, corruption is the misuse of public office for private gain. By Mr. Duterte’s own account, hardworking Honeylet became the biggest supplier of meats in Davao City because, well, who wants to compete against the mayor’s wife?

If this is a joke, it’s on all of us.

MANILA, Philippines — Mayors Joseph Estrada of Manila and Sara Duterte of Davao City officially joined forces yesterday for the 2019 elections.

Estrada and Duterte signed the official alliance of the Hugpong ng Pagbabago and the former president’s Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) at the San Andres Sports Complex.

Describing Duterte as “beautiful, hard-working and brave,” Estrada said Manila is proud to have a “friend and ally” in her.

The former president said their “historic alliance” is proof of their common goal for unity.

“Since the PMP was organized more than 27 years ago, we have entered into any alliances with other parties. Some have been harmonious, others not so much,” he said.

Estrada said that in politics, it is normal for a person’s actions to be guided by personal interest.

“The interest of the people is secondary. But this alliance between us begins on a very positive note,” he said.

Estrada said neither Hugpong nor PMP use the word party, “which means we both value unity rather than partisanship, service over self-interest.”

He expressed hope that the alliance between Hugpong and the PMP would make Manila “as progressive and peaceful” as Davao.

A FAMOUS NFL player and Coach, Vince Lombardi, known as a stickler to basics and for his single-minded determination to win once said, “Leaders aren’t born, they are made. And they are made just like anything else through hard work. That’s the price we have to pay to achieve that goal, or any goal.” Successful people therefore, master the fundamentals then put on hard work to bring about results.

Mastery of the Fundamentals

Purpose-driven leaders are able to inspire and rally their people to achieve dreams which they view as beyond reach. Awareness of one’s capabilities and limitations heightens individuality as an unambiguous self-conviction that enhances transparency and inspires confidence. An indispensable quality is decisiveness, the imprint of exceptional leaders that disavows tentativeness over an undertaking. Everyone lays claim to integrity but only those who practice honesty and humility to accept and rectify one’s mistakes, ever make the grade. Essential to any career pursuit is good education. Getting a diploma is the customary goal that most everyone considers the be-all and end-all. Proficiency however, empowers one to be competitive and achieve the best results. These constitutive qualities and leadership traits would highlight the career of Lawyer and Congressman Rufus B. Rodriguez. Before becoming a politician and even dreaming of a legislator as his life’s purpose, he built his fundamentals not just as a consistent intellectual achiever but with a string of Masters work in the fields of Economics and Law, subjects which in time, gave him an edge in Congress deliberations while serving his constituents as Cagayan de Oro District 2 Representative for 9 straight years. A wunderkind, he further honed his skills through lectures and discourses in various local and international forums and turned to writing in his spare time. A prolific author, his books became requisite academic references which greatly helped students at various levels. Beyond doubt, the pre-eminence of these overlying attributes are what ordain true public servants like him.

Hard Work

Political leaders perform an obligation in their social contract (Hobbes and Locke) with the people. Having reposed in them the authority to hold power, they are expected to deliver on their platforms of government or risk their chances for re-election. Evidently, the electorate in District 2 have expressed satisfaction through the successive terms of office granted to Cong. Rodriguez. He distinguished himself among the City’s past representatives as a man of action. While his peers are content with automatic appropriations and passive acquiescence to congressional proceedings, he introduced landmark bills and followed through until they are enacted as laws. In Congress, bills are thoughtfully deliberated, taking some time to reach even the third reading stage unless one doggedly pursues the agenda otherwise, they are left to the back burners. Hard work then means total immersion in back-breaking legislative work while sourcing out funds to address the most pressing needs of constituents. It’s not a walk in the park.

The Goal

Cagayan de Oro City (CDOC), a regional hub enviably located at the heart of Northern Mindanao and widely promoted and acclaimed as the Gateway to the Land of Promise deserves good leaders. As a first class, highly urbanized city, CDOC is consistently ranked among the top competitive and liveable cities until it dropped recently down the ranks. Still, with resolute leadership and a cooperative citizenry, we firmly believe the City will soon rival Davao and Cebu in terms of economic advancement. The immediate goal would be to earn that elusive Seal of Good Local Governance (SGLG) to boost investor confidence.

The humongous potentials of the City cannot be overstated. Economic prospects for tourism, infrastructure, industry, commerce and real estate and home-grown development initiatives offer a brilliant outlook. This would require however, a concerted synergy between the city’s executives and legislative council with the able support of CDO’s representatives in Congress including the party-list ABAMIN, which would likewise greatly contribute in providing much needed funds for social services, scholarships and livelihood initiatives. The long-term goals can be summarized under three major groupings: First, a world-class infrastructure program that would solve once and for all the city’s perennial problems in traffic, flood, waste management and efficient movement of goods from farm to the city; Second, total mining and log ban and effective reforestation programs to ensure the safety of the city’s residents and to promote tourism; and Third, Health, Education, Employment and Dwelling/Housing (HEED) initiatives that would address problems in peace and order, drug-dependency and criminality. Only a knowledgeable and seasoned legislator could make these aspirations a reality.

With strong fundamentals and experience as a hardworking public servant with clear specific goals, the City would be in good hands with Rufus B. Rodriguez once again as Cagayan de Oro’s representative. He is, undoubtedly, a congressman like no other.

(Renato Gica Tibon is a fellow of the Fellowship of the 300, an elite organization under Centrist Democracy Political Institute  [CDPI] with focus on political technocracy. He  holds both position as political action officer and program manager of the Institute. He is the former regional chairman for Region 10 and vice president for Mindanao of the Centrist Democratic Party of the Philippines [CDP].)

MY Wednesday column last week on “Creeping militarization” (The Manila Times, Nov. 14, 2018), elicited diverse responses from readers proffering interesting viewpoints. These reflect the deep-rooted concerns on what the country has undergone after two years of DU30’s watch and where we all are heading. And these are legitimate concerns, especially from the many of us citizens who may not have voted for the Deegong but are supporting him as the president of all Filipinos. There are of course dissenters, anti- and pro-Duterte, and sycophants in the mix that occupy the fringes and are beyond sensible discourse. This article is a take on current issues that will impact the body politic for the next few years or next few election cycles, whether they are pro- or anti-Duterte.

On one extreme are those exponents of a more drastic approach — a revolutionary government (revgov) who only see the emancipation of the Filipino by drastic means and looking towards the President as the lead actor. These people are unfortunately no longer open to arguments on the fallacies of one-man rule as exposed during the Marcos martial rule regime. They no longer see any hope too in the political, economic and cultural restructuring of Philippine society through the century-old, Western-influenced libertarian-democratic processes. Earlier in this regime, many advocated the revision of the 1987 Constitution to introduce basic reforms; specifically, the shift to a parliamentary-federal government with a liberalized economy. The obduracy of an elected Senate may have opened the proponents’ eyes and construed that this path to Pagbabago leads to nowhere. And they are dangerously interpreting the President’s actuations as a tacit endorsement of radical moves.

But others still cling to the democratic route of replacing the Senate through elections. Though many are skeptical of an election system that is rigged to the advantage of political dynasties and traditional politicians partnering with the oligarchy and the moneyed elite. We all are heading towards the midterm elections whose outcome may have already been pre-ordained by a system that is biased toward the latter group.

If one looks at the crop that have the best chances of winning, the branded names, celebrities and easily recognizable names will again make the cut. The system inculcated in the DNA of our type of democracy practically guarantees this. Which brings us to the futility of once again trying for systemic changes our country has been salivating for these countless election cycles since gaining independence seven decades ago.

I will quote excerpts from a social media re-posting from a Harvard classmate who summarized the issues facing the country these past decades. Col. Alex “Babes” Flores (Ret.) has this to say in bullet points.

“Change the system or the system changes you: We know we have broken systems (when)…

• Political system (is) controlled by dynasties.

• Economic system (is) dominated by a few oligarchs.

• Bureaucratic system, unchanged for decades, is very much prone to corruption. Who you know is more important than what you know.

• Education system that has been left behind by the rest of the world.

• Justice system that is not only corrupted but is the slowest in the world. Where the four pillars of justice are weak.

• Legislative system that protects the interest of those in power.”

Although, our presidential election is still four year’s out, he opines:

“Good or bust: Every six years we elect a president in whom we pin our hopes of taking the lead in fixing the broken systems; will he slay the ogre (change the system) or become the new ogre (he is changed by the system)? At the end of his term, do we say ‘Thank you, sir. Job well done,’ or another squandered opportunity, and we chorus, ‘Sayang’.”

And another related issue that is now hogging the headlines and burning social media is the treatment of a convicted felon, Imelda Marcos, the living icon of a repressive regime. She is perceived to be leniently treated “…because she’s already old (89) and she’s a woman…” claimed PNP Chief Oscar Albayalde. This certainly is one addle-brained argument except that Imelda’s conviction, after painfully envisaging this for three decades, perhaps will now allow closure to a lamented era and the decades of maneuverings that prevented her family from satisfying the longing of the suffering victims of martial law for justice. For some, especially those tortured and those who lost loved ones, it is the primordial cry for a demand for societal collective revenge.

Thane Rosenbaum, law professor at Fordham University and NYU Law School, both in New York City, argues: ”A call for justice is always a cry for revenge. By placing their faith in the law, those who justifiably wish to see wrongdoers punished are not disavowing vengeance. If anything, they are seeking to be avenged by the law. No matter what they say, victims aren’t choosing justice over vengeance; they are merely capitulating to a cultural taboo, knowing that the protocol in polite society is to repudiate revenge.”

And all these will not be achieved within the purview of what many of our citizens perceive to be a “sham democracy.” Thus, a contemplation for alternative approaches. But many of the readers of last week’s article on “creeping militarization” still hold on to a benign, non-violent change, repudiating any extra-legal approach.

Noel Pascual Lorenzana, a brother who has been living for years in the US and waiting for retirement so he can return to the Philippines, has this to say:

“Militarization as a means to curb corruption in government will not work because the military personnel will steal as well. People will just be afraid to talk about it, but it is already happening. This is not rocket science. It looks like DU30 has reached the end of the line. He’s running on empty. He doesn’t know what to do; unless he is hoping he can segue somehow into one-man rule. We’ve been there before and it didn’t work either. Quo vadis, Philippines? Quo vadis, DU30?

Why doesn’t he use the court system to go after these crooks and drug lords, including his own people? Strengthen the justice system. Set up a well-trained, motivated, well-paid and protected (untouchable) investigators, prosecutors and judges. Why not work with civil society, the church, upright members of the elite and oligarchy. These people are all there. Just waiting for a leader. Why go for these ineffective and self-defeating short cuts?”

Yes! Why not indeed.

IT takes a political dynasty to vanquish another political dynasty. This certainly is true in Davao City in the case of the families of President Duterte and former House Speaker Prospero “Boy” Nograles. At the start of the DU30 regime, it was widely believed that Congressman Karlo Nograles, who was in his last term, would be replaced by his brother and party-list representative Jerico, in the first district. Karlo would then be included in the senatorial line-up of the President.

Apparently, the speculation fell flat as Paulo “Polong” Duterte, DU30’s eldest son, who resigned as vice mayor to sister Davao City Mayor Sara under questionable circumstances, is vying for the first district congressional seat. And Karlo, with a low rating in the surveys, did not get a slot in the senatorial line-up. He is, however, appeased with a cabinet post, Secretary of the Cabinet. Karlo is more than qualified and will do justice to the position.

Davao City has now Mayor Sara gunning for another term, first termer Baste, DU30’s younger boy as vice mayor and Polong, for first district. President Duterte’s family will be firmly in control of Davao City with his own solid political dynasty — which he created because “he was forced to,” whatever that means.

With this, the President is writing finis to the hopes of the Centrists, other progressively inclined parties and groupings and even the PDP-Laban to ban political dynasties in the revised constitution, if ever, through a self-executory provision. I don’t see political dynasties being divorced from our political system from hereon in, unless we go parliamentary government prior to going federal system.

But the Fed-Parl movement, which was very strong at the start of the Deegong’s regime, seems to be faltering, certainly overtaken by the midterm elections. During the 22nd year of the Kusog Mindanao dialogue in Davao City two weeks ago, federalism was the issue at center stage. Kusog has been the forum for Mindanao issues ranging from the federalism advocacies to the peace and security concerns to the Basic Organic Law (BOL) of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). With representatives from MNLF, MILF, the indigenous communities and other Muslim and Christian stakeholders, the different draft proposals on federalism were discussed: from the crafting of regional/state constitutions, proposed by Mike Mastura; the findings of the 25-man DU30 2018 ConCom, presented by lawyerBong Parcasio; and by this author, championing the Centrist Proposals of Centrist Democratic Party (CDP) and Lakas, based on GMA’s 2005 ConCom.

My own Centrist take is that federalism is dead! Unless political reforms are done first prior to tinkering with the 1987 Constitution; and unless the Deegong manages to pull in at least 18 senators that will cooperate with the House of Representatives to transform Congress into a constituent assembly (ConAss). The valuable inputs of eminent political scientist, UP professor Clarita Carlos put things in perspective shredding the 2018 DU30 ConCom proposals for a complex and inane “presidential-federal system,” a paean to the status quo that even DU30 has not endorsed to Congress.

Kusong Mindanao has always been a venue for disparate positions and contrasting opinions, ably chaired and moderated by Fr. Eliseo “Jun” Mercado. But this is the first time in two decades that “argumentum ad hominem” was thrown out calling one panelist “stupid and ignorant.” This reflects the bankruptcy of arguments, not the storied culture of the organization. Which bring us to the pre-election issues and deterioration of political conversations now plaguing the country.

For one, the party-list system, a feature of the 1987 Constitution that President Cory championed to give voice to the marginalized and underrepresented has now been captured by the elite. To quote former chief justice Artemio Panganiban, “…the rich, the powerful and the dynasties now dominate our mongrelized party-list system, to the chagrin of the poor and powerless…Only a constitutional revision via a constitutional convention, not via a constituent assembly of Congress, may be the answer: Either abolish the party list, which in the first place was just an experiment that has gone berserk, or institute the necessary reforms.” (Sunday Inquirer, Nov. 11, 2018)

This certainly reflects the sorry state of the political party system in the Philippines. There are a handful of major and pseudo political parties fielding candidates in all elective positions for senators, congressmen to governors, mayors and various sanggunian members. But the choices for senators are what occupy the national attention. All major political parties, even the dominant PDP-Laban are unable to field a complete slate for 12 senatorial slots from among its own membership and must have to pick up from a coterie of “political butterflies” and shameless “party turncoats.” But what is incongruous is that the PDP-Laban, the dominant party headed by DU30 together with its ally, Hugpong (HNP) headed by Mayor Sara, the president’s daughter and allied parties, are fielding 14 candidates for 12 slots. And the Deegong has only so far endorsed one candidate, his most loyal subaltern, “Bong” Go, and another candidate, a balladeer, not even included in the slate of 14. It is expected that PRRD will finalize his preferred list in the next few months.

And what makes this midterm election a perversion of sorts is that three of the ex-senators incarcerated for corruption are now vying for the same posts — Enrile, Jinggoy Estrada and Bong Revilla, the last two being included in Mayor Sara’s list, with Revilla still in prison. To top it all, the slate includes two half-brothers, progenies of a convicted felon.

Capping this tortuous midterm elections, there is no stopping Imelda Marcos from running for governor of Ilocos Norte, replacing daughter Imee who is included in the HNP senatorial slate. Imelda has just been convicted of seven graft cases, facing arrest and a possible sentence of 42 to 77 years. But to quote Randy David “…she will be allowed to post bail. And while the Sandiganbayan’s ruling is on appeal, she will, without any doubt, continue her candidacy, win, and assume the governorship…” (“Public Lives,” Sunday Inquirer, Nov. 11, 2018)

The President still enjoys support from a huge majority of Filipinos. It is therefore important that to deserve and harness their support, the President must show his continuing commitment to the original advocacies that propelled him to the presidency. His anti-illegal drugs and anti-corruption stance still resonate but he has been perceived to have faltered in the all-important political and electoral reforms leading towards a federal-parliamentary system and a liberalized economy.

These are the issues that the president needs to have a handle on in this midterm elections. The Deegong needs a RESET for the second half of his term — and beyond.

A SENIOR living National Artist for Literature, F. Sionil Jose, still writing at 90, recently remarked that “the character of the leaders eventually defined the people and the nation they led.” He laments as we now do the decline of Filipino intellectuals, and if we may add, morals, of leaders in the corridors of power, content with its trappings but neglecting the one work they should prioritize: eradicate poverty. The under-performance of our representatives is indicative of a serious character malaise that afflicts those who are unqualified and lacking the skills yet still coveted the position.

What should our representatives do in Congress? In general, members are tasked to do legislative work that consists primarily of enactment of laws that govern relationships of individuals and the state (civil laws, criminal laws, taxation and political laws etc.) Authorization, appropriation, committee discussions, floor debates, division of the house are part and parcel of the legislative process. All government spending are likewise passed by Congress through budget appropriations which are a complex process in itself. Aside from these, congressmen amend laws, initiate impeachment process, affirm treaties, grant amnesties, confirm appointments or serve as legislative oversight. Congress represents their constituents. The House of Representatives (HOR) where the laws of the land originate is presently home to 297 congressmen that include 59 party-list nominees. It is the Lower Chamber of the Bicameral Congress, the other being the Senate or Upper Chamber. Congress is the legislative or lawmaking branch of government, a co-equal of the Executive and the Judiciary, each having the ability to check on the other to make sure that power is balanced among them. Without these powers, government will be dysfunctional and unable to meet the present-day demands and needs of the people. In the legislature, these needs are expressed through resolutions or bills, which are proposals for new laws and may exemplify the particular aspirations of their citizens coming off as platforms of political parties or through public hearings and sectoral representations.

In the House of Representatives where most bills are introduced, deliberated and passed, the more intrepid and eloquent members take the floor regularly debating their bills and/or interpellating fellow lawmakers. They lobby, hobnob with fellow committee members or even engage in horse trading just to pass their priority bills. The more idealistic ones project themselves as “influencers” with overarching concern over the greater good as much as they are forwarding the interests of their constituents. Yet, despite coaching and technical assistance of their respective congressional staff, many nominal congressmen (afraid of debates or gutless?) choose the tranquil path of relative obscurity breaking their muted deportment only through shouts of “ayes” or “nays” when voting starts. No privilege speeches. No grandstanding. Nothing.

This is where we start to oppugn the performance of our representatives in Congress. Are they always present and participating in the deliberations? Have they introduced bills that concern their districts and were these able to make the lives of their constituents better? Was their presence worth their pay? How many laws were passed with them as authors or co-authors? Have they served in committees? At the very least, we’re entitled to know what their committees have accomplished. Having submitted bills is, of course, different from having enacted them as laws. A review of the achievements of Cagayan de Oro’s representatives would show that since 1984 when then Assemblyman Aquilino Pimentel Jr. won a seat in the now defunct Batasang Pambansa and up until the tenure of Rep. Rufus Rodriguez (District 2, 2007-2016) and Rep. Maxie Rodriguez (Abamin Party list) only a handful of bills were submitted and laws passed. Most of them just wait out for their automatic appropriations, filed non-essential bills and/or join uneventful committee works until their terms were up.

Records in Congress disclose that among the city’s representatives, Congressman Rufus B. Rodriguez made perfect attendance, enabling him to introduce the most number of bills and legislations authored or co-authored, that eventually became laws. In the 14^th Congress, he filed 31 House bills, 449 in the 15^thand 563 in the 16^th Congress. Cong. Rufus helped pass RA 10667 or the Philippine Competition Act in 2015 after languishing in Congress for more than 20 years. The law protects the well-being of consumers and preserves the efficiency of competition in the marketplace to attract investors and enhance job-creation opportunities in the country. He likewise authored RA 9519 converting Mindanao Polytechnic State College into Mindanao University of Science and Technology (Must), the forerunners of what is now the University of Science and Technology of Southern Philippines (USTP) made possible through the passage of RA 10919. A succession of bills and legislations followed which paved the way for improvements in the delivery of basic services and vital infrastructures such as the construction of roads, drainage, pathways, pedestrian overpasses and the now much utilized Cagayan de Oro Coastal Bypass Road which greatly helped facilitate the flow of traffic from Gusa to Opol, Misamis Oriental. He vowed to get more funds for unfinished projects especially for the coastal bypass and JR Borja Extension roads and other essential needs of the city once he gets elected. Clearly, with competence and experience, the work of Congress is cut out for him.

Will Kagayanons experiment instead with newbie representatives who will be groping in the dark while trying to learn the ropes of lawmaking? Or entrust them to someone like Congressman Rufus B. Rodriguez who knows the legislature like the back of his hand having served in the House of Representatives for nine straight years.

Lawmakers are imposed upon us to represent and speak for their constituents. According to Plato, “Wise men speak because they have something to say; fools because they have to say something.” So, how do we call congressmen who don’t utter a word at all?

(Renato Gica Tibon is a fellow of the Fellowship of the 300, an elite organization under Centrist Democracy Political Institute  [CDPI] with focus on political technocracy. He  holds both position as political action officer and program manager of the Institute. He is the former regional chairman for Region 10 and vice president for Mindanao of the Centrist Democratic Party of the Philippines [CDP].)

Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana on Wednesday rejected allegations that the arrest of National Democratic Front consultant Vic Ladlad was aimed to derail the peace talks between the government and communist rebels.

The statement came after Ladlad’s wife, Fides Lim, claimed that the arrest was intended to derail the possible resumption of peace talks.

Ladlad was arrested for illegal possession of firearms last week. His wife also claimed that government troops planted evidence to get him arrested.

“Mrs. Ladlad says that the arrest of her husband was done to derail the peace process. She is wrong. The arrest of Mr. Vicente Ladlad was a legitimate law enforcement operation conducted by the proper authorities who recovered high-powered firearms and explosives in his possession. How can the peace process be derailed when it has been suspended, if not stopped last June by the President?,” Lorenzana said in a statement.

“As for Mr. Ladlad’s arrest, anyone found violating Philippine laws will be dealt with accordingly. This is now best left to the courts. Mrs. Ladlad should trust in the fairness of our justice system,” he said.

He also cited the gains of the government’s localized peace efforts through the Enhanced Comprehensive Local Integration Program (E-CLIP) of the Task Force Balik Loob, which assists communists rebels who want to go back to their normal lives.

The peace negotiations collapsed last year with government claiming that communist rebels have continued their  attacks on state forces. President Rodrigo Duterte then declared the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army as terrorist groups.

IN a statement that contradicted the newly appointed Customs Commissioner Rey Leonardo Guerrero, a former general, and the pronouncements of his talking head, Salvador Panelo, the President unequivocally declared: “I will not sit as President and let you render me inutile as you continue with your corruption there in Customs right in front of me. You sons of bitches. Now you have a problem. They say its militarization of the government, correct,” he added. On Sunday (Oct. 28, 2018), he ordered the military to ‘take over the BoC’. (The Manila Times, Nov 3, 2018)

The cat is now out of the bag! While the President’s sycophants have been trying to muddle the issue with their double-speak, we have the Deegong on record on his actions and motivations — feeding his detractors with arguments to lay before the Supreme Court. The question of the constitutionality of his acts has been snatched from public discourse and now elevated to the 12 men and women of the highest court, four-fifths of whom are ingratiated and friendly to him. But the conversation on the ground is more interesting. What are the implications of the presidential declarations?

For one, the President has clearly shown that his civilian bureaucracy is not up to the job of running government efficiently. It’s quite clear now what the motives are behind his appointment of former military personnel to positions in his cabinet and sensitive bureaus and departments. This creeping militarization is nothing more than an acceptance that the President may have given up on the nuances of the republican principle of the pre-eminence of the civilian over the military. This could be presumably why martial law in Mindanao is being revisited and may be extended — perhaps indefinitely.

It is easy to speculate at this point that the Deegong is tired and has given up on the democratic ways of governance and is leaning towards a despotic pat, but this time in a slow dance macabre towards one-man rule. This could be a substitute for a declaration of a revolutionary government (revgov). Whereas the latter will involve “shock and awe,” which could be violent, the former is simply a soft “coup d’état by substitution”; in some way accomplishing what he has been signaling from the very start of his regime.

And since this takeover by the military is not accompanied by blood, perhaps most Filipinos will go for it.

So, why not also a “takeover” of the BIR? What the hell! It’s one of the corrupt agencies. And while we’re at it, why not lieutenants, captains and colonels for bureau chiefs, Asecs and Usecs of DoTC and DPWH. These are still headed by civilians and perceived to be graft-ridden and inept too.

And this could be the real “pagbabago” promised by DU30 and awaited by the long-suffering Filipinos. In the first two years of his term, DU30 never did have a chance to push his agenda successfully, except for some political crumbs allowed by the movers and shakers of this country that suit also their own interests. And these people have been at this long before the Deegong even thought of running for president. DU30 set out to eliminate the drug menace but after the death of thousands of minor souls and damage to our human rights record internationally, not one big fish was caught in his net.

He proposed a drastic change in the system of governance through political restructuring and development of a liberal economy by doing away with restrictive measures curtailing foreign direct investments. All these by revising the 1987 elitist-driven Constitution. He is failing here due to the recalcitrance and even direct opposition by the elected class, particularly the Senate; and the midterm election circus has come into play and distracts us all from the systemic restructuring. This election could result in the Deegong becoming a “lame-duck” president.

The discombobulated electoral process, the ultimate system that protects and sustains the perversion of democracy has always been the bastion of those who will not allow real change — pagbabago. The Deegong under the current democratic process must play this game. But will he? Not by the rules of those that have been calling the shots in this country for so long — the traditional politicians, the political dynasties in cahoots with the oligarchic class. This could be the reason why the President declared that he too is building his own political dynasty in Davao because as he said, “he is forced to” do it. We can only speculate what is in the mind of the Deegong.

He has always been a maverick and allowing cosmetic changes in the political environment may be his way of lulling the real enemies of the state — the oligarchy and their elected minions. Proceed with the elections as a referendum of his government and his persona; perhaps the reason why he is hell bent in projecting only one man as his avatar — Bong Go in the Senate.

He has his allies too, like the Marcoses, but this family is burdened by its own issues and an agenda of its own. In future, to regain the power behind their name, they may clash with the emerging progeny of the Deegong. Truly in politics there are only permanent interests.

These mid-term elections therefore are crucial to the country and the program of the President. If the Senate wins enough seats for those against Charter change and federalism, then all bets are off.

Despite this scenario, changes can still be achieved but at what cost now? The Deegong may not allow the sidelining of his election promises; the elimination of illegal drugs which has already produced thousands of collateral damage; the eradication of corruption in the bureaucracy which has forced him to reach out to the military; and the structural changes through Charter revisions. These are what propelled him to power and I’m afraid to pursue this to its rightful conclusion; he may have to start a war with the oligarchy and vested interest. He is counting on the 70 percent of the people behind him.

Looking from this perspective, it could explain why the president has been working along the lines he has pursued so far: putting in place former military personnel in key cabinet posts and sensitive bureaucracies, and now the takeover of the Bureau of Customs. The Deegong has always been unorthodox in his methods.

No uncouth application of a revgov, instead a more genteel use of a creeping militarization.