Summary:

Stance on Key Issues

On Poverty, Controlling Inflation and Jobs

• While Lapid supports the pending measure for a ₱100 wage hike for minimum wage earners, he admits that it would be challenging to enact such a legislation, citing the need to balance employers' and employees' interests.
• Filed bills related to the welfare and protection of workers in business process outsourcing, media, and freelancing.
• Co-authored RA 10653, which institutes tax exemption for workers' bonuses and other benefits not exceeding ₱82,000.

On Fighting Graft and Corruption

• Supported the Senate hearings on POGO-related crimes and pushed fellow lawmakers to investigate the hub in his hometown in Pampanga. However, in July, he said he was not in favor of a total ban on POGOs.

On the West Philippine Sea

• Was among the senators who signed a resolution in 2021 condemning China’s illegal activities in the Philippines' exclusive economic zone.
• One of the authors of RA 12065, which establishes the country's archipelagic sea lanes and regulates foreign ships and aircraft passing through the Philippines’ archipelagic waters.

On The Drug War

• None on record

On Disaster Preparedness

• Filed a bill requiring government agencies and local government units to present in easily understandable form and translate to Filipino and regional languages announcements, advisories, and other issuance related to local or national disasters.
• Filed a bill seeking to establish a Department of Disaster Risk Reduction and Management to “harmonize policies” in disaster risk reduction, among others.

Government Experience/Field of Expertise

• Senator (2004 - 2016; 2019 - 2025)
  • Authored and co-authored the following laws: Free Legal Assistance Act, Biometrics Act, Expanded Senior Citizens Act of 2010, Foundling Recognition and Protection Act, and Basic Education Mental Health and Well-being Promotion Act.
• Governor - Pampanga (1995 - 2004)
• Vice Governor - Pampanga (1992 - 1995)

Issues and Controversies

• In 2024, an unnamed vlogger alleged that Lapid owns the 10-hectare land where a controversial Philippine Offshore Gaming Operator (POGO) compound was located in Porac, Pampanga. Lapid denied the allegation and vowed to resign if proven to have ties to POGOs.
• The Ombudsman charged him with graft in 2014 for alleged purchase of overpriced fertilizers when he was Pampanga governor in 2004. The case was dismissed in 2016 by the Sandiganbayan due to delays in the preliminary investigation. The Supreme Court reversed the decision in 2019, urging Sandiganbayan to resume hearing the case "with reasonable dispatch."
• In 2013, the Philippine Daily Inquirer reported that Lapid used ₱5 million of his Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) in 2011 to purchase anti-dengue chemicals for four towns in Quezon province where there were no dengue outbreaks. Lapid argued there were no irregularities, saying he had "no other means" to allocate his PDAF but through the local government units.

Issues and Controversies (Continued)

• In 2013, Lapid’s wife, Marissa Tadeo Lapid, was sentenced by a United States district court to five months of home confinement and three years of probation after pleading guilty to bulk cash smuggling charges.
• In 2009, then Pampanga governor Ed Panlilio filed a plunder complaint against Lapid and his son Mark Lapid for allegedly failing to remit ₱568-million worth of quarry funds during their respective terms as governor. Then Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez cleared the Lapids in 2011 after the accuser "miserably fail[ed] to show that respondents acquired ill-gotten wealth."
• In 1999, the Ombudsman suspended Lapid for one year over his alleged involvement in illegal quarrying and collection of exorbitant fees in Pampanga. In 2000, the Supreme Court ordered Lapid’s immediate reinstatement as Pampanga governor after ruling that the Ombudsman’s suspension was not immediately executory.
• His son Mark Lapid, former Pampanga governor and now chief operating officer of the Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, was charged with graft over an allegedly anomalous water and sewerage system project in Boracay in 2018.
• In 2011, his youngest son Maynard Lapid was charged with frustrated murder for allegedly ordering to beat up complainants at a bar in July 2010. Maynard said he was the victim and the complaint was filed to extort from them.

Family Members in Government

Mark Lapid

• Relationship: Son
• Position/s held:
  • Chief operating officer - Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, formerly the Philippine Tourism Authority (2008 - 2016; 2021 - present)
  • Mayor - Bacoor City (2016 - 2022)
  • Seeking reelection
  • Governor - Pampanga (2004 - 2007)

Maynard Lapid

• Relationship: Son
• Position/s held:
  • Member - Sangguniang Bayan - Porac, Pampanga (2013 - 2022)
  • Candidate for councilor - Porac, Pampanga

Ma-An Krista Lapid-Legaspi

• Relationship: Daughter
• Position/s held:
  • Terminal Head - Bureau of Immigration-Clark

ELECTION PROFILE

Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa #22

Summary:

Stance on Key Issues

On Poverty, Controlling Inflation and Jobs

• Admitted he was not knowledgeable on economic matters such as inflation when he filed for his first Senate run in 2018.
• Co-sponsored Senate Bill No. 2534 aiming to increase the daily minimum wage by P100.

On Fighting Graft and Corruption

• One of 17 senators who voted to tax and legalize Philippine offshore gaming operations (POGOs); walked back on his support by co-sponsoring the Anti-POGO Act of 2024.
• Vocal critic of the Ayuda para sa Kapos ang Kita (AKAP) program, alleging that it may become a vessel for corruption among legislators.

On West Philippine Sea

• Seeks to increase funding and support for the country’s armed forces in order to beef up defenses in the West Philippine Sea.
• Will refile the bill reimposing mandatory Reserve Officer Training Corps in schools to mobilize the citizenry against China’s aggression.
• Co-sponsored the Philippine Archipelagic Sea Lanes Act, citing it as a measure to assert the country’s claim over the West Philippine Sea.

On The Drug War

• Says he “does not regret anything” and is “thankful” for the outcome of the drug war because it bolstered him to the Senate.
• Insists that the International Criminal Court does not have jurisdiction in the country and will seek “judicial relief” should the court enter the country.

On Disaster-Preparedness

• Proposed additional funding for national defense and reinstating mandatory Reserve Corps training as essential to disaster response, saying these groups take charge in relief operations.
• Co-sponsored Senate Bill No. 2780 recognizing the Loss and Damage Fund Board, which provides financial aid to persons affected by extreme weather events in countries most impacted by climate change.

Government Experience/Field of Expertise

• Senator (2019 – present)
• Director General, Bureau of Corrections (2018)
• Chief, Philippine National Police (2016–2018)
• Executive Officer, Philippine National Police Directorate for Human Resource and Doctrine Development (2015–2016)
• Deputy Director for Administration, Philippine National Police Intelligence Group (2014–2016)
• Deputy Director for Operations, Philippine National Police Intelligence Group (2014)
• Chief of Staff, Philippine National Police Intelligence Group (2013–2014)
• City Director, Philippine National Police PRO11 Davao City Police Office (2012–2013)
• Chief, Philippine National Police PRO11 Regional Logistics and Research Development Division (2011–2012)
• Provincial Director, Philippine National Police PRO11 Davao del Sur (2009–2011)
• Provincial Director, Philippine National Police PRO11 Compostela Valley (2007–2009)
• Chief, Philippine National Police PRO11 Regional Intelligence and Investigation Division (2005–2007)
• Chief, Unit Training Program Division, Philippine National Police Directorate for Human Resource and Doctrine Development (2003–2005)
• Chief, Davao Satellite Office, Presidential Anti-Organized Crime Task Force (1998–2001)
• Battalion Commander, Philippine National Police Regional Mobile Group (1997–1999)
• Commander, Bunawan Police Station (1996–1997)
• Chief of Intelligence Division, Davao City Police Office (1996–1997)
• Commander, Mobile Group Commander, Davao City Police Office (1996–1997)
• Station Commander, Sasa Police Station (1992–1996)
• Chief of Police, Bansalan Municipal Police Station (1990–1991)
• Ex-O 413th Surigao del Sur PC Coy (1988–1989)
• Commanding Officer, Philippine Constabulary Regional Special Action Force (1986–1988)

Issues and Controversies

• Devised “Oplan Tokhang” from his Davao City police chief days, referring to the house-to-house operations that saw thousands of illegal drug suspects dead under Rodrigo Duterte’s stints as mayor and president.
• Under investigation by the International Criminal Court for his role in the killing of drug suspects under Duterte’s war on drugs.
• Has been defending Vice President Sara Duterte’s alleged misspending of confidential funds and slammed the proponents of her impeachment, accusing President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and House Speaker Martin Romualdez of conniving against her.

Family Members in Government

None

Election Profile

Christopher Lawrence "Bong" Go #28
Senator, 19th Congress (as of Feb. 5, 2025)

Personal Information

• Age and date of birth: 50 (June 14, 1974)
• Party: Partido Demokratiko Pilipino
• Highest Educational Attainment: B.S. Marketing, Ateneo de Davao University
• Highest Government Position Held: Senator

Summary

Reelectionist Go said he will continue to focus on healthcare services, being the main proponent of Malasakit Centers. He also intends to improve food security, jobs, education, and youth programs. Go wants to promote sports to divert the youth from illegal drug use.

Stance on Key Issues

On Poverty, Controlling Inflation, and Jobs

• Initiated the Malasakit Centers in 2018 by sponsoring its legislation to provide medical relief amid rising inflation. These centers coordinate aid from PhilHealth, the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office, the Department of Health, and the Department of Social Welfare and Development.
• Co-authored Senate Bill No. 2534 seeking to increase the daily minimum wage by ₱100.
• Authored several bills seeking to promote rural industries, one of which has become law – the Agriculture, Fisheries, and Rural Development Financing Enhancement Act of 2022.

On Fighting Graft and Corruption

• One of 17 senators who voted in 2021 to tax and legalize Philippine offshore gaming operations (POGOs). In 2024, he did an about-face and claimed he had always opposed POGOs.
• Filed several bills pushing to intensify government accounting and modernize government agencies to curb red tape and corruption.

On West Philippine Sea

• Condemned China’s various acts of aggression in the West Philippine Sea and has repeatedly called on Beijing to respect the 2016 arbitral ruling.
• Filed Senate Bill No. 2112 seeking to modernize the Philippine Coast Guard in order to beef up the country’s defense in the West Philippine Sea.

On The Drug War

• A vocal supporter of Duterte’s war on drugs, calling the allegations of a reward system in the killing of drug suspects “baseless.”
• Asserts that the International Criminal Court has no jurisdiction in the country and has backed President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.'s decision to not cooperate with their investigation.

• Mobilizes his Malasakit team to distribute post-calamity relief.
• Filed bills establishing a Department of Disaster Resilience and mandating evacuation centers to be set up in every city, municipality, and province in the country.

Government Experience / Field of Expertise

• Senator (2019 – present)
• Special Assistant to the President of Rodrigo Duterte (2016–2018)
• Executive Assistant to Rodrigo Duterte
  • First Congressional District Office (1998–2001)
  • Office of the City Mayor (2001–2010; 2013–2016)
  • Office of the Vice Mayor (2010–2013)

Issues and Controversies

• Go was accused of financing the killing of illegal drug suspects under former president Rodrigo Duterte by self-confessed former hitmen, who submitted written testimonies to the International Criminal Court, and by former police colonel Royina Garma in her testimony before the House quad committee.
• The House quad committee has recommended that Go be charged with crimes against humanity over his alleged involvement in extrajudicial drug war killings.
• Former senator Antonio Trillanes IV filed a plunder complaint against Go in 2024, accusing him of awarding ₱6 billion in warship contracts to companies owned by his family from 2007 to 2018. Go was investigated over the issue in 2018, and he claimed innocence.

Family Members in Government

• None

• Reelectionists (incumbents seeking another term)
• Returning (former senators running for a new term)
• Former government officials
• Members or are backed by major political parties

Made it at least once in the top 20 of pre-election surveys conducted by independent pollsters Pulse Asia, Social Weather Stations and OCTA Research.

• Poverty, jobs and inflation
• Fighting graft and corruption
• West Philippine Sea
• Drug war
• Disaster preparedness

Each profile also contains the candidate's legislative agenda, government experience or field of expertise, issues and controversies faced, relatives in government and other interesting facts. Also included are the pertinent fact checks of, or related to the candidate, done by VERA Files Fact Check and its media and academic partners in the Tsek.ph collaboration.

Part 1 of the series covers incumbent senators seeking reelection: Pia Cayetano, Ronald Dela Rosa, Christopher Lawrence Go, Maria Imelda Marcos, Manuel Lapid, Ramon Revilla Jr. and Francis Tolentino.

Editorial Cartoon

CRYING OVER CHOICES

Sixth of a series

IN last week's column, a conclusion was arrived at as a response to a question on whether the Philippines can produce a moral leader with Lincolnesque qualities embodying "integrity, moral courage and principled leadership..." President FVR, after the EDSA revolution that he helped foment, may have been the closest exemplar of this type of leadership. Given the hindsight of history, however, the good president barely made a dent in the system of governance itself. He initiated changes in the dysfunctional unitary-presidential structure of government enshrined in the 1987 Constitution and attempted a constitutional revision, shifting to parliamentary government. He failed!

FVR was a believer in the "free market." He fashioned his "Philippine Vision 2000," his socioeconomic program toward industrialization by the turn of the century, by breaking down monopolies in the banking and financial sectors, power and energy and the stagnant telecommunications sectors, among others. But there were near misses as when he lost our steel industry, which thrived during the 1950s and 1960s. Liberalizing the economy without first reforming the political and systemic underpinnings of his government merely transferred control of these industries from inefficient state parastatals to the oligarchy.

Estrada, GMA, PNoy administrations

Subsequent presidents understood that the systemic defects in the 1987 Constitution needed to be eliminated. FVR's presidency was followed by the ex-actor "Erap" and economist Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. Both attempted a restructuring through the former's Constitutional Correction for Development (Concord) and the latter's Constitutional Commission (2006 ConCom). President GMA proposed to shift our form of government from unitary-presidential to federal-parliamentary. The legislature, the bastion of political dynasties and the oligarchy blocked constitutional revisions to effect these changes. Inevitably, the system consumed Erap's and GMA's administrations in corruption, ending their careers ignominiously with brief jail time for plunder (which was later dropped).

President Noynoy Aquino had to protect his mother Cory's 1987 Constitution and her legacy, and no attempt at structural reforms was initiated. And the system's defects allowed him one of his most anomalous acts — the impeachment of Chief Justice Renato Corona, with the complicit legislature bribing the senators with millions of pesos to convict. Some of these honorable men are still sitting senators, and some are seeking re-election.

The Deegong

President Duterte's human rights violations through the extrajudicial killings (EJK) in his war against illegal drugs are no less deadly and shameful as his administration's massive corruption scandals during the Covid-19 pandemic. I wrote back then: "All these occurring during the country's highest regime of pain and trauma, the continued harvest of dead souls through mismanagement of the pandemic and its resultant economic devastation. The repercussions are wide and long-term, and the aftermath is grim. The leadership of today's branches of government will be answerable to the generations to come."

Corruption and incompetence — a deadly combination

And BBM's watch today is no better. It does not only reek with the stench of corruption in cahoots with his allies in Congress — Speaker Martin and his minions — but is exacerbated by his incompetence. There is no dearth of instances, as revealed by his first executive secretary, spokesman and erstwhile campaign strategist, lawyer Vic Rodriguez, that many positions in the bureaucracy and boards of government corporations remained unfilled for months on end because the president had to refer to the first lady. He was promptly replaced as executive secretary, reportedly upon the behest of the president's wife, after just 79 days in that high position.

This is presidential incompetence on a grand scale if an unelected individual in the confidence of the president, his wife, has a say in running the government bureaucracy. From the words of his own vice president — although self-serving as their UniTeam is irreparably broken — "The sitting leader does not know how to become president... I don't ever remember him discussing what he would do in government." VP Sara was referring to BBM's mishandling of such problems as inflation and food security to what she called a lack of clear government policies.

Asian exemplars

It is generally an accepted truism that after WWII, the Philippines was at par or even economically ahead or more progressive than our neighbors. For these purposes, I cite only three — Singapore, South Korea and Malaysia. Today, in the ranking of the most progressive countries, the Philippines (GDP $437/$10,755 per capita) ranks far behind these three countries: Singapore (GDP $501 billion/$141,500), South Korea (GDP $1.71 trillion/$54,033) and Malaysia (GDP $400 billion/$37,248).

Political economists attribute these to many factors. But among those dominant ones are their systems of governance. Singapore has a parliamentary-unitary form; Malaysia has a parliamentary with constitutional monarchy; and South Korea has a presidential system similar to ours but with a unicameral legislature and no competing power bloc equivalent to the Philippine Senate.

But more importantly, they have strong and driven leaders, patriots, and men possessed with the political will to ram their visions through for the good of their people — which we in the Philippines have pined for but never had.

These are the common features of Singapore's Lee Kwan Yew, Malaysia's Mahathir Mohammad Mahathir and South Korea's Park Chung-hee.

These leaders appeared at crucial moments in their respective countries' history and played pivotal roles in transforming them into economic powerhouses. They may not be moral in the Judeo-Christian context that in the Philippine cultural profile we cherish so much in our leadership yet only pay lip service to.

Foremost among these traits were their clear visions for their country's future. They demonstrated strong, sometimes authoritarian, leadership to implement their plans. They prioritized economic development and national stability, often at the expense of the liberal Western-imposed values on personal freedoms and political dissent.

They embraced a model of state-led economic development, where government played a significant role in directing economic policies, investing in key industries, and fostering strategic sectors. This often included the establishment of state-owned enterprises and the promotion of export-oriented growth. And they valued meritocracy in their bureaucracy to manage these parastatals.

All three leaders recognized the importance of education and skills development, investing heavily in education systems to create a skilled workforce capable of meeting the demands of a rapidly changing global economy. The Philippine system is trimmed toward producing OFWs.

Each leader implemented policies that created favorable conditions for foreign direct investment (FDI). They offered incentives, established special economic zones, and ensured political stability with an iron fist to attract multinational corporations. The economic provisions of the 1987 Constitution have long been a hindrance to FDIs. Calls for amendment and revisions have been stymied by the oligarchy and their allies, the political dynasties out to protect their interests.

They promoted export-led strategies, focusing on manufacturing and technology sectors to drive economic growth. This was particularly evident in South Korea and Singapore, where exports became a significant driver of GDP growth.

And more importantly, these leaders implemented measures to control corruption and improve governance, which helped build trust in government institutions and created a conducive environment for business.

And so, I reiterate: shackled to an inherently defective system of governance, can we ever have this type of leadership in our country?

The Supreme Court has started its oral arguments on the transfer of PhilHealth funds to the National Treasury to be used for other government projects.

In Saleema Refran’s Tuesday report on “24 Oras,” the petitioners presented why the transfer of unused PhilHealth funds is unconstitutional.

The petitioners particularly expressed opposition to the circular of the Department of Finance and the provision of the General Appropriations Act, which paved the way for the return of nearly P90 billion PhilHealth funds to the National Treasury.

Last year, PhilHealth remitted P60 billion to the National Treasury while the court halted the transfer of the remaining P29.9 billion after a petition was filed.

“The questioned provision and DOF circular are inconsistent, incompatible, and irreconcilable with the Universal Health Care Act and the Sin Tax Law. UHC's objective is clear, to provide social health insurance and risk protection to all Filipinos,” said lawyer Paula Mae Tanquieng, counsel of the petitioners.

“In computing the alleged fund balance, DOF defied the clear language of the sin tax laws, stating that these funds be used exclusively for universal health care. These funds were sourced from sin taxes and cannot be used for other purposes, irrespective of how noble the purpose is,” she added.

Finance Secretary Ralph Recto, Health Secretary Teodoro Herbosa, Social Welfare Secretary Rex Gatchalian, and former PhilHealth president Emmanuel Ledesma Jr. attended the hearing.

The respondents were represented by the Office of the Solicitor General and the Office of the Government Corporate Counsel.

The respondents said the transfer of PhilHealth funds is legal and under the constitution.

“It was the executive and legislative department’s way of creating and implementing a fiscal policy to boost economic growth without bloating the government’s indebtedness or burdening the people with new tax measures. It is a common sense approach that does not violate any law much less the constitution, in any way,” Solicitior General Menardo Guevarra said.

“I assure the honorable court and the people that contrary to what has been portrayed by some critics, there was no dark nor sinister plan behind the transfer,” he added.

The solicitor general requested to remove President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. as respondent since a president has immunity from suit while in position.

The three petitions on PhilHealth funds filed in the Supreme Court were consolidated and will be heard simultaneously.

Justice Amy Lazaro Javier questioned if PhilHealth has a reserve fund.

Although he confirmed that investment is the last in the order of priorities, Deputy Treasurer Eduardo Anthony Marino said PhilHealth “generates more revenues than expenditures.”

“I will show you the report of COA (Commission on Audit), which shows that PhilHealth is bankrupt actually.  I don’t know if you're aware of that. You ought to be aware. and COA has repeatedly highlighted that in its letters to PhilHealth, and then COA said that for many years, at least 3 years, 2021, 2022, 2023, the reserve fund of PhilHealth is much much less than its actuarial fund, actuarial estimate,” Javier said.

Before the oral arguments, several groups held a protest outside the Supreme Court. —Mariel Celine Serquiña/LDF, GMA Integrated News

Fifth of a series

THIS series started with "Bankruptcy in Philippine politics," followed by "Executive and legislative disequilibrium," exposing the distortion of the balance of power, a cherished democratic tenet handed down to us by our American colonialists. This complicit manipulation by our political leadership produced an anomalous 2025 budget and precipitated some sort of citizens pretend-indignation, in a misnamed "peace rally" by a powerful sect. Last week's was a cursory discussion of an alternative form of government by way of highlighting the most advanced and successful countries in the world that adopted the principles inherent in a federal-parliamentary form of government ("Federal parliamentary and EDSA version 2.0, The Manila Times, Jan. 29, 2025).

John Raña, a political technocrat, pointed out succinctly that the bankruptcy in Philippine politics could be traced to "[c]orruption [as] the root cause of many of the Philippines' most pressing problems — poverty, poor infrastructure, inadequate healthcare and a weak justice system. No matter how ambitious a leader's economic or social programs may be, they will never succeed if corruption continues to siphon [off] public funds and weaken institutions. This is why the greatest president in Philippine history will be the one who can effectively eliminate corruption."

Two kernels of thought have been introduced. Government corruption and the need for a president who can eradicate corruption and restore trust in leadership. Raña's take was for the emergence of a Philippine version of Abraham Lincoln, embodying "integrity, moral courage, and principled leadership — qualities desperately needed in Philippine politics today," closing with a teaser: "Will we see that person in our lifetime?"

Political economy of corruption in governance

Government corruption has always intrigued people at different levels. The academia engrossed with its theory and practice may originate scholarly solutions safe within the confines of their classrooms and lecture halls, sheltered from the repercussions of their results in real life. On the other hand, the political technocrats are enthralled not so much by the practice and theory per se but by the actual impact of public policies emanating from those gifted by the electorate with the privilege to govern. These honorable people comprising our political leadership are where, collectively, in our decadeslong experience, corruption is endemic.

Briefly, the political economy of corruption in government explores the dynamics between politics and socio-economy that underwrite corrupt practices within public institutions. It seeks to understand how corruption affects governance, economic development and social equity, as well as the institutional frameworks that can either mitigate or exacerbate corrupt behavior. These involve the application of incentives and disincentives that shape corrupt behavior among public officials and private actors.

In its simplest form, corruption in governance is the abuse of power by public officials for private gain. This undermines democratic institutions and the rule of law, leaving them weak and inutile — subject to the whims of those who lead us.

Government corruption has deep historical and cultural roots in the Philippines from the 300 years of Spanish colonial legacy of patronage where datus and sultans were coopted to enforce colonial rule. The subsequent American colonials piggybacked on this relationship, introducing a Western-type bureaucracy that was alien to Filipinos, as substitutes for thriving patronage, distorting family loyalty that eventually planted the seeds of political clans anomalously favored in governance that we now label political dynasties. And these permeated our political system for decades.

Myth of a moral leader eradicating corruption

It is a given that central to good governance is the need for a strong and moral leader. He is expected to set the tone for good governance by implementing policies aimed at combating corruption. What is expected of the leader is to set the right example that may be emulated down through the length and breadth of the political leadership and the bureaucracy.

But the fallacy lies in the rise of that particular type of leadership in the Philippine context. The path to power for this leader, unfortunately, is through the systemic infirmities in governance. Our type of democracy, evolved over the decades, relies on a severely flawed electoral process that favors the choice of patrons for the highest offices, paying lip service to meritocracy.

This could be attributable to voters' preference for popular, charismatic personalities and their ability to secure votes through networks of family clans and political dynasties, irrespective of their qualifications. Socioeconomic disparities of candidates oftentimes bolster effective campaigning for the wealthier, resource-rich candidates, giving them the wherewithal for voter bribery and even threats or use of violence — the proverbial "guns, gold and goons." All these lead to an uneven playing field, marginalizing meritocratic candidates from less affluent backgrounds and the Pinoy version of the "basket of deplorables."

It is expedient to blame voters for their lack of adequate information and education to make informed choices. The system notoriously does not provide adequately for the same. This is further exacerbated by weak electoral institutions that fail to put in place mechanisms for monitoring elections that often result in massive irregularities and fraud — undermining public trust in the electoral process. And the current political superstructure, the legislature — the senators and congressmen — complicit with the sitting president, are the crucial dramatis personae authorized to propose changes in the system. They will not, as these are all against self-interest.

Thus, the process of a choice of the Lincolnesque type of leadership is impossible — a pie in the sky. The Philippine political system, inherently defective will not allow a singular moral and decent leader to assume political power. It has always been a collective political coven, a product of a wicked compromise between good and evil, right and wrong, corrupt and less corrupt. There is no deus ex machina!

Drastic changes

At this juncture, I refer to my column on the type of system that could produce the leadership our country needs to propel the Philippines to sit at the table of prosperous nations. ( "Asian models of governance," TMT, Sept. 23, 2023)

We made a case for pursuing alternatives to our kind of democracy that is not working as intended by our American colonialists. We compared democratic governments and authoritarian regimes — isolating criteria that could work for us and those we need to discard. Whether a government is democratic or authoritarian, it must, above all, serve and promote the welfare of its people by protecting their security and well-being, maintaining law and order, and providing essential public services, which are equated with universal access to health care, education, employment and dwelling (HEED). For this to be possible, governments must ensure that their economy grows and is stable — an utmost priority. Freedom of speech, choice of beliefs, freedom to dissent, and even freedom to bear arms are subordinate. The controversy and clash of ideas start with how Western and Eastern cultures define and perceive these freedoms as central to their system of governance.

I looked as exemplars our progressive Asian neighbors and the type of system that allowed them to breed their kind of leadership: Lee Kwan Yew (LKY) of Singapore, Mahathir Mohammad of Malaysia and Park Chung-hee of South Korea.

To be continued on Feb 12, 2025